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Big butt mature clips. What do arab men like in bed. Huge boob ebony princess. Milf hukufucked crossversecrisis basilisk1995 akuakuakuma. Teacher student sex com. Halouver Nudist Naturist Websites. Sachi michiko lesbian asian grannies. Black tits fannys milf pic. Bipasha Basu Indian Girl Acter Xnxx Porn. Free porn body building girl fight girls fuck sex photos. As we swap out old for new, Sri lankan nude full figured will be in transition. Thanks for your patience — please keep coming back to see the improvements. Humanitarian situation reports. COLOMBO, Sri Lanka, 3 November - The teenagers, mostly boys, sat in a circle on the floor, taking turns writing the names of parts of the body on the anatomical drawing of the female figure before them. As each new word was added, there were giggles from some and teasing from others. Harischandra Yakandawala. So some of these children missed their education from the school, and specifically this type of education. This Sri lankan nude full figured session was being held in the offices of a local NGO, the Community Strength Foundation, located in Peliyagoda — one of Sri lankan nude full figured poorest neighbourhoods of the capital, Colombo. Young people in this area may be at higher risk from the disease. This was Sri lankan nude full figured more than Pradip, 20, knew. Although both sexes are encouraged equally to take part, so far very few girls have attended. Furthermore, when girls do drop out of school, they are often kept at home. But Deepika, 16, was here to learn for herself about the disease. It click here estimated that 90 per cent of all HIV infections in Sri Lanka occur through unprotected heterosexual contact. Naked girl chubby indonesia Telugu hot xxx movies.

Gloryhole cruise source. But video clips taken by soldiers showed Ramesh alive in captivity. Sri Lanka's Sri lankan nude full figured Fields has also come under criticism for bias and technical inconsistencies in some of the footage featured. The volume of testimony it uses as evidence is not enormous and most of it is derived from leading questions. The slant is pronounced.

Xxxxxxxx Sexxxxxxxxxxx Watch Video Bbw lexxxi. Where do you live? Video October Low High bandwidth Real player Journalists: New enhanced search. In the first clip, which was originally broadcast on Channel 4 News on 25 August , armed soldiers are seen abusing naked, blindfolded men believed to be Tamil Tiger prisoners with hands tied behind their backs. Fuck you! He looked, then he looked away" a soldier is heard saying in the background. Another shot is heard in the background as the cameraman pans around to show other dead naked bodies, all with blindfolds and hands tied behind their backs. A live naked, blindfolded man with his hands tied behind his back is brought to the area by a soldier and sat down on the ground. The soldier takes a few steps back before shooting the naked man in the head, killing him. I've shot as well. Let's shoot! This video was authenticated by the UN but the Sri Lankan government maintains its a fake. In the second clip two men and a woman in civilian clothes but believed to be Tamil Tiger prisoners are shown blindfolded, hands tied behind their backs and sitting on the ground. They are surrounded by soldiers. One of the soldiers is heard egging another soldier in Sinhala to shoot the three prisoners. Shut up! What's the matter with you? Don't be a wimp" shouts a soldier. The commanding officer issues orders: Take aim! This bugger has a weapon and still seems scared of a terrorist. Aim directly at the head. According to the documentary this clip has been analysed by experts who say it shows no sign of manipulation and appears to show genuine executions. In one clip a half naked prisoner is shown tied to a coconut tree with blood over his chest and neck. The documentary then showed photos of the same incident which show the prisoner alive, then threatened with a knife and then dead, draped in the Tamil Tiger flag. In another clip soldiers are shown clearing away dead naked bodies. In another clip soldiers are shown dragging and dumping dead naked bodies of women, many of which appear to have been abused, onto the back of a truck. In another clip soldiers are seen standing around dead bodies. One of the bodies is a naked woman. She looks like someone's clerk. Look how many pencils and pens she's got. The other important item that is brought inside the pavilion is the casket containing the bone-relics of the Buddha dhatu-karanduwa , representing the Buddha. This is placed on a separate decorated table on a side within the pavilion. In the seating arrangement for the monks, two chairs, centrally placed near the table, are referred to as yuga-asana or "seats for the duel. A post called indra-khila or raja-gaha is planted securely and fastened between these twin chairs. This post, resembling a mace in more ways than one, is attractively decorated and serves as a symbol of authority and protection for the officiating monks. This is generally erected only when the ceremony lasts for a week sati pirita or longer. Even when the ceremony is held in a private home, the temple is inevitably connected with every stage of the ritual. The temple authorities are responsible for assigning the required number of monks. On the evening of the day on which the chanting takes place, a few members from the particular household go to the temple in order to conduct the monks. The monks would come in a procession in single file in order of seniority, attended by drumming. At the head of the procession is carried the relic casket, borne on the head of a layman, under an umbrella or a canopy. The beating of drums continues throughout. As the monks enter the home, a layman washes their feet while another wipes them. They walk to the pavilion on a carpet of white cloth pavada and take their seats around the table. The relic casket, Pirit-Pota, and the bhikkhus thus come together, representing the Triple Gem, the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha, respectively. Before the commencement of the ceremony proper, the usual time of which is around 9 p. This invitation is usually extended by the chief householder if it is in a private home. Otherwise some leading lay devotee would do it. One of the senior monks present would accept the invitation on behalf of the entire Sangha and, in order to make the invitation formally valid, he would get the lay devotee to repeat after him the following Pali stanza requesting the monks to begin the ceremony:. Next he would explain the significance of the occasion in a short address. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magulbera vadana , as a ritualistic preamble to the ceremony, serving both as an invitation to the gods and an offering of sound sadda-puja. The monks too commence the chanting by reciting a stanza that invites all the divine beings of the universe to the ceremony:. From the commencement of the chanting until its conclusion the following morning, the pavilion is not vacated. The mahapirita explained earlier , with which the chanting begins, is chanted in a rhythmic manner by all the monks, numbering about ten or twelve, seated in order of seniority. The rest of the discourses are chanted by two or four monks. The ceremony is concluded the following morning with the recital, once again, of the mahapirita at which ceremonial drumming takes place once more. This drumming is also performed at the recital of important discourses like the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta and the Atanatiya Sutta. Once the chanting is concluded, convenient lengths of the thread, sanctified by the chanting, are snapped off and tied around the wrists or the arms of those assembled. A little of the sanctified water is given to everyone for drinking. When the ceremony continues for several days e. When the set of suttas constituting pirit is completed, chanting is recommenced from the beginning and in this manner they are recited over and over again until the session is concluded. Both to begin and to end the session, the mahapirita is recited in chorus by all the monks on each day at sunrise and sunset. An important ceremony connected with the seven-day and longer pirit ceremony is known as dorakada-asna, which seems to have entered the pirit ceremony during the Kandyan period 18th century. This ritual involves several stages commencing from the morning of the last day of the pirit ceremony, i. The first stage is the preparation of the message to be taken to the neighbouring temple where the abodes of the gods devalayas are also found. For this purpose several palm leaves talipot , on which the message is to be written, are brought to the chanting pavilion in a ceremonial procession and handed over to a monk who has been previously selected to write the message. Next, this particular monk writes down the auspicious time for the messenger of the gods deva-dutaya to set out to the devalaya and reads it aloud, to be sanctioned by the assembled monks. Once this is done another monk, also previously selected, reads aloud a text written in a highly ornate stilted style, enumerating the temples and devalayas at which the deities are requested to be present at the pirit chanting that evening. This text is called the vihara-asna. Until these preliminaries are gone through, the other monks keep holding the sacred thread. After this, the monk who was appointed to write the message begins to write it while the other monks retire. The message contains the invitation — which is a command from the Sangha sanghanatti and hence not to be turned down — addressed to all the deities residing at the religious places enumerated in the vihara-asna to come and partake of the merits of the week's pirit chanting. The message is prepared in quadruplicate. These are then hung on a pole and handed over to a young boy, specially selected for the task and richly attired as befits a messenger of the gods. Mounted on a caparisoned elephant and escorted by men with swords, he carries the message in a procession to the devalaya. This procession is called the devaduta-perahera, "the procession of the gods' messenger," and has many features like dancers, drummers, mask-dancers, stilt-walkers, etc. At the devalaya, the bhikkhus and the deva-dutaya first go near a Buddha-statue and pay homage, after which they proceed to the building where the statues of the gods are and chant the Metta Sutta. The gods concerned are usually Vishnu and Kataragama Skanda. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magul bera as an invitation to the gods, and next a monk reads out the message aloud. The four messages are given to the lay officiating priest of the devalaya known as kapurala to be hung in the four cardinal directions inside the devalaya. These are meant for the Regents of the Four Quarters — Datarattha east , Viruda south , Virupakkha west , and Vessavana north — who are requested to come to the ceremony with their assemblies. The procession now returns. Until the monks arrive for the pirit chanting, the devadutaya is kept confined and guarded. Once the monks arrive and take their seats inside the pavilion, a dialogue takes place between the devadutaya and a monk, the purpose of which is to reveal to the assembled gathering that the task of the messenger, which was to invite the gods to partake of the merits, has been done and that all the gods have arrived. The devadutaya makes this statement standing and guarded by the swordsmen, at the entrance dorakada to the chanting pavilion within which the monks have taken their seats. It is this statement of the devadutaya which thus comes to be called the dorakada-asna, meaning "the message read at the threshold. After the dorakada-asna, another monk, standing within the pavilion, reads out a similar text called the anusasana-asna, wherein all the gods assembled are requested to rejoice in the merits of the entire ceremony. This monk holds in his hand a round-handled fan made of the talipot leaf, elaborately decorated, a symbol of authority and high ecclesiastical position. These three ritualistic texts mentioned in the foregoing account i. It is also worth noting, that this ceremony of dorakada-asna has, in addition to its religious and ritualistic significance, considerable dramatic and theatrical value as well, for the whole event, from the preliminaries of the morning to the grand finale of the anusasana in the evening, contains much impersonation, mime, and dialogue. In this connection we may note that as early as the time of Buddhaghosa 5th century A. The recital of the Jayamangala Gatha, a set of eight benedictory stanzas extolling the virtues of the Buddha, may also be cited as a popular custom partly related to the chanting of pirit. This is usually done on important occasions like a marriage ceremony, when setting out on an important journey, or when inaugurating any venture of significance. This custom is inevitably observed at what is called the Poruva ceremony when, after a couple to be married ascends a small decorated platform poruva , they are blessed for future prosperity. The recital is usually done by an elderly person who, for the occasion, assumes the position of an officiating priest. At public functions a bevy of young girls clad in white uniforms also do the recital. The contents of the stanzas recited clearly show that the ritual is intended to bring happiness and prosperity to the persons concerned or the successful completion of the project. Accordingly these verses have come to be called "the stanzas of success and prosperity," Jayamangala Gatha, and have become quite popular among all sections of the Buddhists. While the origin of these stanzas is shrouded in mystery, it can be stated with certainty that they were composed in Sri Lanka by a devoted Buddhist poet. The earliest available reference to them is during the Kandyan period when they are given in a list of subjects that a monk should study. This shows that they had become well established during the 16th and 17th centuries; hence they must have been composed at least a century earlier. These stanzas are regarded as efficacious because they relate eight occasions, each based on a beautiful story, when the Buddha triumphed over his powerful opponents. The chanting of what is called set-pirit by a few bhikkhus at the inauguration of new ventures or at receptions and farewells to important public personages has also become quite common. The chanting usually consists of a sutta like the Mangala, Ratana, or Metta Sutta, and a few benedictory stanzas. Set-pirit is broadcast by the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation every morning as the first item of its programme. The ceremony of pirit -chanting is very often accompanied by another important ceremony, that of almsgiving. It is generally known as sanghika-dana, meaning "the alms given to the community of monks. Even otherwise this ceremony too is usually performed on important occasions in the same way as the pirit ceremony, associated with such events as house-warming, setting out on a long journey, a marriage, birth, or death anniversaries, and so forth. At least four monks who have obtained higher ordination upasampada must participate for the dana to become valid as a full-fledged sanghika-dana. Such danas were held even during the Buddha's time, the Buddha himself participating in very many of them. Of the many items of offering that dana or the act of generosity could include, food is usually regarded as the most important and the formal meal offering accordingly is done with much ceremony and ritual. The monks are conducted from the temple in procession with drumming as in the case of pirit. A layman leads the procession, with the relic casket dhatu-karanduva , representing the Buddha, borne on his head under an umbrella or canopy. As they approach the particular household they are received by the host. As the monks step into the house, one person washes their feet, while another wipes them. This part of the ceremony is the same as in the case of the pirit ceremony. The monks are then conducted to the cushioned seats arranged on the floor against the wall. Alms are first offered to the Buddha in a separate bowl, and are placed on a separate table on which the relic casket, containing a bone-relic of the Buddha, has been set. All the items of food are served in plates and placed on mats or low tables before the seated monks. A senior monk administers the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts see pp. After he has given a short address on the significance of the occasion, the food is formally presented by getting the chief householder to repeat a Pali statement: Next, the food is served and once the monks have finished eating which should be before noon the other requisites parikkhara , referred to in the statement quoted, are also offered. The most important item among these offerings is what is traditionally known as "the eight monastic requisites" ata-pirikara: This offering is regarded as especially meritorious. As it is an expensive item and therefore difficult to offer to all the monks, generally one ata-pirikara is offered to the chief monk and other items such as books, towels, pillow-cases, umbrellas, etc. Once this is over, another monk administers what is called punnanumodana or "thanks-giving" wherein all those who were connected with the ceremony are requested to partake of the merits punna for their future good. The participants are also called upon to transfer the merits they have thus acquired for the well-being of their dead kinsmen and friends as well as for the sustenance of beings in the deva worlds, i. The relic casket and the monks are conducted back to the temple in the same manner as they were brought and the proceedings are concluded. A related ritual that cannot be ignored as regards the ceremony of almsgiving is the custom of getting the neighbours and friends also to serve into the alms-bowl that is offered to the Buddha. On the morning of the day on which the almsgiving takes place a separate bowl is kept on a table for this purpose. This is called the Buddha-pattare, or the Buddha's alms-bowl. Alms served into it are regarded as offered to the Buddha himself. The neighbours would come with plates of rice prepared in their homes and serve into it. This rice is also taken when the bowl of food is prepared for offering to the Buddha, near the relic casket at the time of the dana proper, the purpose here being to get the neighbours and outsiders also to participate in this merit-making ceremony. Among Buddhists death is regarded as an occasion of major religious significance, both for the deceased and for the survivors. For the deceased it marks the moment when the transition begins to a new mode of existence within the round of rebirths. When death occurs all the kammic forces that the dead person accumulated during the course of his or her lifetime become activated and set about determining the next rebirth. For the living, death is a powerful reminder of the Buddha's teaching on impermanence; it also provides an opportunity to assist the deceased person as he or she fares on to the new existence. Both aspects of death — the message of impermanence, and the opportunity to help the departed loved one — find expression in the Buddhist funeral rites of Sri Lanka. Naturally, the monastic Sangha plays a prominent role in the funeral proceedings. One of the most important parts of the funeral rites is the ritual called "offering of cloth on behalf of the dead" mataka-vastra-puja. This is done prior to the cremation or the burial of the body. Monks are assembled in the home of the dead person or in the cemetery. The proceedings begin with the administration of the Five Precepts to the assembled crowd by one of the monks. This is followed by the recitation in chorus of the well-known stanza:. Impermanent alas are formations, subject to rise and fall. Having arisen, they cease; their subsiding is bliss. Next follows this ritual, which consists of the offering of a length of new white cloth to the monks. The cloth, called a pamsukula — literally, a dust-heap cloth — is intended to be cut into pieces and then stitched into a robe. After offering it, the close relatives of the deceased sit together on a mat, assume a reverential posture, and together they pour water from a vessel into a cup placed within a plate until the cup overflows. While the water is being poured, the monks intone in unison the following stanzas extracted from the Tirokuddha Sutta of the Khuddakapatha:. The cohort appears to have a different risk pattern to the other cohorts. In addition the cohorts born between , who experienced the ready availability of toxic pesticides during their young adulthood 17—30 years , appear to carry with them an elevated risk of suicide through life despite the introduction of pesticide regulations. When looking at birth-cohort effects by method not shown , it appears to be self-poisoning suicides that underlies the pattern observed for overall suicide. The suicide rates for the periods spanning — are higher than subsequent years in all age groups. With the exception of the oldest age group, suicide rates after were much lower than in previous years. By calculating AIC for each birth-cohort and period effect model in men and women, we found that in men the AIC was for a birth-cohort model vs. In women the difference was more pronounced, with an AIC score of for the birth-cohort model vs. Second, there have been marked changes in the age pattern of suicide in males; in the s the highest rate was in 21—25 year olds and rates declined with increasing age, whereas the opposite pattern was seen in the s with rates increasing with age. Third, the reductions in rates appear to be driven by a decline in self-poisoning suicides. There has been a rise in suicide by hanging, but this has been small in comparison with the fall in self-poisoning suicide. Fourth, there was a rise in drug related poisoning admissions, especially in women, and some evidence of reductions in case fatality associated with all poisoning admissions. Last, there was evidence of possible birth-cohort and period effects, though the analysis suggests a stronger period effect. We were able to identify groups with high suicide incidence and emerging patterns of method specific suicide. We are the first to report on age and gender trends of suicide in Sri Lanka having adjusted for the imperfect estimations of different age and gender population figures see Additional file 1. This adjustment explains why the trends reported in this study differ to those previously reported [ 1 , 3 ]. This evidence, however, should be considered in light of several limitations. One limitation is the incomplete coverage of suicide statistics from the Northern part of the country which was heavily affected by the civil war. Only 1. A common problem of suicide statistics originating from LAMIC are their reliability in capturing true incidence. Anecdotally, from our fieldwork studies, we are aware that data quality and completeness may vary between police departments, but we have no evidence that data quality has changed over time in such a way as to bias our estimates of temporal trends. The decriminalisation of suicide in in Sri Lanka coupled with changing attitudes towards suicide may result in more deaths being attributed to suicide post , so we may have underestimated the extent of the recent reductions in suicide. Equally, it is possible that the suicide rate in women, especially young women, is underestimated. This is likely to have affected the rate of suicide throughout the study period and is therefore unlikely to have influenced secular trends observed. In addition we were unable to investigate the emergence of method specific suicides by urban and rural areas separately. Data on hospital admissions for poisoning are collected from all peripheral community centres and tertiary teaching and special hospitals in Sri Lanka. This data is collected by the Ministry of Health using a standard returns form from all hospitals. Due to limited facilities in peripheral hospitals, poisoning patients are often transferred to tertiary hospitals With no linking of patient data for transfers, a degree of double counting of admissions occurs; which means we are likely to underestimate case fatality estimates, as some cases of self-poisoning as the denominator for our case fatality will be over-estimated as some individuals are included twice [ 16 ]. This will not have affected our findings in relation to case fatality trends, as no national changes have been made to hospital data reporting during the study period. Lastly, age- and sex-specific hospital admission data was only available for a relatively short time period, meaning we could not evaluate long term trends. Both China and India can be considered to be similar to Sri Lanka as they both have a large proportion of their population engaged in agriculture. Furthermore, these countries are more economically advanced and have fewer agricultural worker and therefore less easy access to, and familiarity with, pesticides than is the case in Sri Lanka. Differences in the predominant religions and political situation may further compromise cross-country comparison in Asia. As in Sri Lanka, the age and gender profile of suicide in China has changed [ 18 , 22 — 24 ] in recent years. In the early s in Sri Lanka, there were two peaks in the age-specific incidence of suicide in males, one in young people and the other in the elderly, similar to the pattern seen in China in the late 80s [ 24 ]. In more recent years, there is a linear increase in male rates in Sri Lanka and China with age - a pattern typical of that seen in many western countries [ 2 , 18 ]. This linear pattern is also now seen in female rates in China [ 18 ]. Whilst female suicides in Sri Lanka have fallen over time, the age pattern — linear declines in rates with age are in marked contrast to those seen in the West and China where incidence is higher amongst older women. These changes to the age and gender profile in China and Sri Lanka, however, happened at different times. In China the changes started in the mid-late 90s, whereas in Sri Lanka these changes started in the early 80s. National data from India for the same time period are not available; therefore we are unable to make this comparison. Self-poisoning remains the commonest method in Sri Lanka, India and China, followed by hanging and drowning [ 2 , 25 ]. Restriction of one method of suicide may lead to rises in the use of other methods for suicide substitution. A review of suicide prevention through means restriction concluded that restriction leads to limited method substitution [ 26 ]. For example in England and Wales the detoxification of domestic gas supplies saw a reduction in domestic gas poisoning suicides and a rise in drug overdose deaths [ 29 ]. This substitution effect, however, was not observed in all age and gender groups and was most apparent in women and younger men. This is consistent with our analysis of Sri Lankan data where restriction of pesticides appeared to result in a differential increase in hanging suicides by age and gender. Our data suggests that a degree of method substitution has occurred but because this rise in hanging was small in relation to the fall in self-poisoning suicides, the net effect was a marked reduction in overall suicide rates. The new ruling party had given Wickremesinghe until Sunday morning to leave the Temple Trees official residence following his shock dismissal on Friday that has plunged the Indian Ocean island into constitutional turmoil. Officials said police will now seek a court order to evict Wickremesinghe, whose security and official cars were also withdrawn by the president, Maithripala Sirisena, on Saturday. Tags clipsage com desi ooo com desi porn ooo Desi Threesome desixnxx desixnxx ooo freshmms ooo desi jilhub. PW Sri Lankan Porn www desi ooo com www ooo desi com www..

Shyam Tekwani's views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies which is part of the United States Department of Defense. Gillreviewing the documentary in The Sunday Timesdescribed the Sri lankan nude full figured shown as "unattributed and uncorroborated" and wrote "Not a second of this has been shot by Channel 4; none of the eyewitness accounts comes from journalists".

He criticised Jon Snow's narration as "intemperate and partisan", and stated that "it was all held together by assumptions". Yfantis, a professor of computer science at University of Nevada-Las Vegas specialising in computer graphics and image processingstated that "based on mathematical analysis, blood in the 3GP videos is not real blood.

Sri lankan nude full figured report also detailed the fact that the video file was named "produce. Australia — Australian Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd stated that "No-one watching please click for source program could emerge from that undisturbed and we don't either".

The Australian Senate passed motion number on Sri lankan nude full figured July which, amongst other things, noted that the documentary was "further shocking evidence supporting allegations Sri lankan nude full figured war crimes committed during the civil conflict in Sri Lanka" and called for "allegations of war crimes India — Asked to comment on the documentary, the official spokesman for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs stated on 15 July "Our focus is on the welfare and the well being of the Tamil speaking Sri lankan nude full figured of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka The sequence of events during the last days of the conflict is unclear.

The Government of Sri Lanka would need to go into the matter in greater detail. The concerns that are being expressed in this regard need to be examined". My daughter followed suit, saying similar things and expressing shock and horror that our click could indulge in such horrific acts. United Kingdom — British Foreign Office Minister Alistair Burt issued a statement on 15 June in which he expressed Sri lankan nude full figured at horrific scenes in the documentary.

They also Sri lankan nude full figured powerful evidence of the need for an independent investigation to hold those responsible accountable for the crimes If the Sri Lankan government is unable or unwilling to act, then the international community must respond in its place". Part of the broadcast aired on Channel 4 News in August inspired the music video and artwork to the M. On 1 July Swarnavahinia privately owned Sri Lankan TV station, broadcast on their Live at 8 programme what they claimed to be an unaltered version Sri lankan nude full figured a video used on the Channel 4 documentary showing uniformed men summarily executing eight bound and blindfolded men.

This Tamil version was in fact not new — it had appeared on YouTube shortly after Channel 4 News had originally broadcast the Sinhala version on 25 August An investigation by a UN commissioned panel of independent experts found that the Sinhala version was authentic. Kandanam Jegadishwaram Nandavanam Jagatheeswarama British national of Tamil origin, was arrested on 4 July for allegedly supplying Channel 4 with Sri lankan nude full figured which was used in the documentary. The first part was broadcast on 9 August on the channel's Ground Zero programme and subtitled I Witnessed Genocide.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with I Witnessed Genocide: Main article: The commonest of such stanzas is as follows:. Ime ete mahabodhi lokanathena pujita ahampi te namassami bodhi raja namatthu te. I too worship this great Bodhi-tree which was honored by the Leader of the World. My homage to thee, O King Bodhi. The ritual Sri lankan nude full figured concluded by the usual transference of merit to the deities that protect the Buddha's Dispensation.

In their religious observances the Sri Lankan Buddhists have adopted from Indian Sri lankan nude full figured the Read more of the lunar calendar.

Sri lankan nude full figured

The four phases of the moon are the pre-new-moon day, when the moon is totally invisible, the half-moon of the waxing fortnight, the full moon, and the half-moon of the waning fortnight.

Owing to the moon's fullness of size as well as its effulgence, Sri lankan nude full figured full-moon day is treated as the most auspicious of the four phases. Hence the most important religious observances are held on full-moon days and the lesser ones in conjunction with the other Sri lankan nude full figured. In the Buddhist calendar, the full moon, as the acme of the waxing process, is regarded as the culmination of the month and accordingly the period between two full moons is one lunar month.

The religious observance days are called poya days. While the monks use the monthly moonless day called amavaka in Sinhala and the full-moon day for their confessional ritual and communal recitation of the code of discipline Patimokkhathe lay devotees observe the day by visiting temples for worship and also by taking upon themselves the observance of the Eight Precepts.

A practicing Buddhist observes the poya day by visiting a temple for the rituals of worship and, often, by undertaking the Eight Precepts.

The Eight Precepts include the Five Precepts see above, pp. If one decides to observe Sri lankan nude full figured Eight Precepts, Sri lankan nude full figured would wake up early, bathe and clad Sri lankan nude full figured in clean white garments, and go to the nearest temple. The incumbent monk administers the precepts to the entire group assembled for the purpose. Thereafter they would spend the day according to a set timetable which would include sermons, pujas, periods of meditation, and Dhamma discussions.

At meditation centers there will be more periods of Sri lankan nude full figured and fewer sermons and pujas. The observance of the Eight Precepts is a ritualistic practice of moral discipline quite popular Sri lankan nude full figured the Sinhala Buddhists. While the Five Precepts serve as the moral base for ordinary people, the Eight Precepts point to a higher level of training aimed at advancement along the path of liberation. The popular practice is to observe them on full-moon days, and, among a few devout lay Buddhists, on the other phases of Sri lankan nude full figured moon as well.

The poya observance, which is as old as Buddhism itself, has been followed by the Sinhala Buddhists up to the present Sri lankan nude full figured, even after the Christian calendar came to be used for secular matters.

Owing to its significance in the religious life of the local Buddhists, all the full-moon days have been declared public holidays by the government.

Another noteworthy fact about this day Sri lankan nude full figured that every full-moon Sri lankan nude full figured has assumed some ritualistic significance in one way or other. The first and the foremost of the poya holy days is the full-moon day of Vesak Maycommemorating the birth, Enlightenment, and passing Sri lankan nude full figured of the Buddha.

The significance of Vesak is further heightened for the Sinhala Buddhists, as Sri Lankan tradition holds that it was on the Vesak Poya Day, in the eighth year after his Enlightenment, that the Buddha paid his third visit to Sri Lanka, journeying to Kelaniya on the invitation of the Naga King Maniakkhika Mhv. Consequently, Kelaniya has become a very popular place of worship and pilgrimage, the center of worship there being the celebrated dagaba, enshrining the Sri lankan nude full figured throne offered to the Buddha by the Nagas dragons.

An annual procession is held there to commemorate the event. Both in importance and in temporal sequence, the next significant poya is the full-moon of Poson Junewhich Sri lankan nude full figured specially noteworthy to the Sri Lankan Buddhists as the day on which Emperor Asoka's son, the arahant Mahinda, officially Sri lankan nude full figured Buddhism to the island in the 3rd century B.

Accordingly, in addition to the normal ritualistic observances undertaken on a poya Sri lankan nude full figured, on Poson day devotees flock to Anuradhapura, the ancient capital city of the country, for it was there that arahant Mahinda converted Sri lankan nude full figured then ruler, King Go here Tissa, and his court to Buddhism, thereby setting in motion a series of events that finally made Sri Sri lankan nude full figured click to see more home of Theravada Buddhism.

Even today, on Sri lankan nude full figured Poya, Anuradhapura becomes the center of Buddhist activity. Mihintale, the spot where the momentous encounter between the Elder and the King took place, accordingly receives the reverential attention of the devotees. The two rituals of pilgrimage and the observance of the Eight Precepts are combined here. Processions commemorative of the event, referred to as Mihundu Peraheras, are held in various parts of the country. The next poya is Esala Julywhich commemorates several significant events in the history of Buddhism.

The most prominent of these is the Buddha's preaching of his First Sermon, the Click at this page Sutta, to the five ascetics at the Deer Park, near Benares, thereby inaugurating his public ministry. The other noteworthy events connected with this click include the conception of the Bodhisatta in the womb of Queen Maya, his Great Renunciation, the performance of the Twin Miracle yamaka-patihariyaand his preaching the Abhidhamma for the first time in the Tavatimsa heaven.

An additional factor that enhances the value of this poya to Sri Lanka is the first local ordination of a Sri Lankan, when Prince Arittha, the nephew of the king, entered the Order at Anuradhapura, under arahant Mahinda, following the introduction of Buddhism. On this day there also took place the laying of the foundation for the celebrated dagaba, the Mahathupa or the Ruwanvelisaya and also its enshrinement of relics by King Dutugemunu.

It is owing to the combination of all these events that the Sinhala Buddhists fittingly observe the day ceremonially by holding Esala festivals throughout the island, giving pride of place to the internationally famous Kandy Esala Perahera. The term perahera, primarily meaning "procession," signifies a popular Buddhist ceremony replete with many rituals, commencing and culminating respectively with the kap -planting and the water-cutting ceremonies.

These two ceremonies are respectively the introductory and the concluding rites of the annual Esala festivals, held in July and August in various parts of the island. They are essentially connected with the Buddhist deities, either to invite their blessings or to give thanks to them for favors received.

During this period every year, such religious festivals are held in almost all the religious centers of Sri Lanka where there are abodes dedicated to various Buddhist deities. However, the festival par excellence of Sri lankan nude full figured category is the Kandy Esala Perahera, which is connected with the Temple of the Tooth and the abodes devalayas of the four Buddhist deities, Vishnu, Kataragama, Natha, and the Goddess Pattini. The main feature of all these festivals held during this period is the elaborate procession held on the lines of the Kandy Esala Perahera.

Both the kap -planting and water-cutting ceremonies are performed by the lay officiating priests kapuralas of the devalaya concerned, who are traditionally the experts regarding the details of Sri lankan nude full figured performance. These details are generally regarded as secret and are not divulged to the profane public. The preliminary rite of kap -planting consists of planting a shaft, usually fashioned from a felled young jak tree, which must have borne no fruit.

When cut, this tree exudes a white sap which is regarded as a symbol of prosperity. Even felling the tree is done click here several attendant rituals at an auspicious time: On the day of the new moon, at an auspicious hour nakatathe "kaps" thus prepared are set up in the ground in a special place decorated with leaves, flowers, and fruits.

For five nights small processions are conducted within the devalaya precincts around the consecrated kaps. Sometimes benedictory stanzas are chanted by monks. This rite of kap is a kind of vow that the Esala festival, consisting mainly of the perahera, will be held; it is also an invitation to the deities to be Sri lankan nude full figured during the festival, providing the necessary protection for its successful performance. In this sense it is this here that inaugurates the festival.

The water-cutting ceremony diya-kapum-mangalyayawhich is the concluding ritual of the Esala festival, Sri lankan nude full figured performed in the early hours of the day following the final perahera. Sri lankan nude full figured officiating lay-priest kapurala proceeds on a caparisoned elephant to a selected place along a river bank. He would either go to a selected spot in the river by boat or wade through the water to a particular spot and after drawing a magic circle on the water with the sword he carries, he "cuts" the water and fills the vessel he carried there with water from that spot.

Before doing so he empties the water that he took in this same manner the previous year.

Suicide in Sri Lanka 1975–2019: age, period and cohort analysis of police and hospital data

He then returns to the devalaya, and the vessel of water is Sri lankan nude full figured there Sri lankan nude full figured the following year. The ritual is repeated annually in an identical manner. Sri lankan nude full figured is believed to be a rain-making ceremony of sympathetic magic, which type of ritual is quite common in agrarian societies the world over.

The Buddhists seem to have adopted this to suit their purposes. The annual Esala Perahera in Kandy, held in honor of the Sacred Tooth Relic of the Buddha, is the most colorful traditional procession in the country. It is the prototype of the other peraheras held elsewhere in the island in such places as Kataragama, [11] Aluthnuwara, Lankatilaka, Bellanwila, Devinuwara, etc.

Nude dp Watch Video Nokia Pornmo. Gulf Times. Interviewee 18 October Toronto, Ontario, Canada. CBC Radio. Retrieved 12 January Issue number " PDF. The Guardian. The Island, Sri Lanka. BBC Sinhala. Farook 3 August TV Pixie. Retrieved 8 November War Crimes Unpunished". Sri Lanka Ministry of Defence. Archived from the original on 24 November Retrieved 28 January Sri Lankan Civil War in popular culture. Indian Peace Keeping Force. De Silva Rohan Daluwatte C. Weerasooriya L. Balagalle Shantha Kottegoda Sarath Fonseka. Asoka de Silva H. Silva Clancy Fernando D. Samarasekara H. Thisera Daya Sandagiri Wasantha Karannagoda. Selvarasa Pathmanathan Anton Balasingham S. Harkirat Singh Ashok K. Venkataraman Rajiv Gandhi V. Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: CS1 errors: Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. Associated Data Supplementary Materials Additional file 1: Description of methods used to correct for sudden changes in census population figures. Supplementary figures show the sudden changes graphically by gender. PDF KB. Additional file 2: Figures showing the age profile of suicide by gender and method. Additional file 3: Figures showing hospital poisoning admission for the years — by gender. Abstract Background Sri Lanka has experienced major changes in its suicide rates since the s, and in it had one of the highest rates in the world. Methods Secular trends of suicide in relation to age, sex, method, birth-cohort and period effects were investigated graphically using police data — Results There were marked changes to the age-, gender- and method-specific incidence of suicide over the study period. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article doi: Methods Context Sri Lanka is an island state with a population of Suicide data Age, gender and method specific suicide data were obtained, where available, for — from the Department of Police, Division of Statistics, Sri Lanka http: Table 1 Categories of suicide deaths coded during different periods. Open in a separate window. Hospital data Publicly available hospital admission and hospital death data for poisoning ICD10 codes: Population data Censuses have been carried out in , , and in Sri Lanka. Analysis Graphical presentations were used to investigate secular trends of suicide in relation to age, sex, method, period and birth cohort. Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3. Figure 4. Hospital admissions and case fatality Hospital admission data stratified by age and gender were only available from to Figure 5. Figure 6. Method substitution Restriction of one method of suicide may lead to rises in the use of other methods for suicide substitution. Birth-cohort and period effects Investigations into birth-cohort and period effects have mainly been conducted in non-Asian countries [ 30 — 40 ], with the exception of studies conducted in Japan [ 41 ] and South Korea [ 42 ]. Interpretation and implications Our data suggests that the introduction of bans on all WHO Class I pesticides have contributed to the reduction of overall suicide rates, age specific rates and poisoning-related case fatality. Conclusion The introduction of pesticide bans in Sri Lanka appears to have contributed to the dramatic reduction in suicide rates in young men and older women, albeit with evidence of limited method substitution. Electronic supplementary material Additional file 1: Footnotes Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. References 1. Age and sex specific suicide rates in Sri Lanka from — Sri Lanka J Psychiatry. Thalagala N. Suicide trends in Sri Lanka —; social, demographic and geographical variations. Gunnell D, Eddleston M. Suicide by intentional ingestion of pesticides: Int J Epidemiol. Use of paracetamol for suicide and non-fatal poisoning in the UK and France: J Epidemiol Community Health. Differences between organophosphorus insecticides in human self-poisoning: Ratnayeke L. Suicide and crisis intervention in rural communities in Sri Lanka. The impact of pesticide regulations on suicide in Sri Lanka. Health Policy Plan. Department of Census and Statistics. Sri Lanka Labour Force Survey. Planning MoFa. Akaike H. A new look at the statistical model identification. Bell A, Jones K. The impossibility of separating age, period and cohort effects. Soc Sci Med. Marecek J, Senadheera C. Contr Indian Sociol. Patterns of hospital transfer for self-poisoned patients in rural Sri Lanka: Ultimately it came to stay in Kandy, which was the last royal seat of the Sinhala people. Esala Poya assumes prominence for yet another ritual of the Sri Lankan Buddhists. This is the annual rains retreat of the monks, Vassa, which commences on the day following the Esala full moon discussed in Chap. On the next poya day, Nikini August , those monks who failed to commence the normal Vassa on the day following Esala Poya, are allowed to enter the "late Vassa. The poya that follows Nikini is Binara September , which assumes solemnity as marking the inauguration of the Order of Bhikkhunis nuns with the ordination of Queen Mahapajapati and her retinue. Next follows the Vap Poya October , which concludes the final month of the three-month rains retreat. During the following month kathina robes are offered to the monks who have duly completed the Vassa. The high esteem in which this ritual is held by the Sinhala Buddhists may be gauged from the fact that the month is popularly referred to as the "month of robes" see Chap. The November full moon, called Il, signifies the terminal point for the kathina ritual. It is also the day for commemorating such events as the despatch of the first sixty disciples by the Buddha on missionary work, the prospective Buddha Metteyya being declared a sure Buddha-to-be by Gotama Buddha, and the passing away of the arahant Sariputta, the Buddha's foremost disciple. The Unduwap Poya that follows in December is of great moment to Sri Lanka as commemorating two memorable events connected with the visit of Theri Sanghamitta, sister of arahant Mahinda, from India in the third century B. The first of these events was the arrival at Anuradhapura of a sapling of the sacred Bodhi-tree at Buddhagaya, brought to Sri Lanka by Sanghamitta. The planting of this tree is the origin of the Bodhi-puja in the country see Chap. The other memorable event commemorated by this poya is the establishment of the Order of Nuns bhikkhuni-sasana in Sri Lanka by the Theri Sanghamitta when she ordained Queen Anula and her entourage of women at Anuradhapura. Records indicate that the Bhikkhuni Sangha thus established flourished during the Anuradhapura period third century B. Historical records are silent as to the reasons for its extinction, but they do report how the Sinhala Bhikkhuni Sangha helped in the establishment of the Order of Nuns in China. The Sinhala Buddhists commemorate this poya day with peraheras, observance of the Eight Precepts, and meetings. The day is designated Sanghamitta Day. Nowadays the dasasil matas ten-precept nuns take an active part in initiating these commemorative functions. Next follows the Durutu Poya January when the Sinhala Buddhists commemorate the first visit of the Buddha to the island. According to the Mahavamsa, nine months after his Enlightenment, the Buddha visited present Mahiyangana in the Badulla District, where stands the dagaba by that name enshrining the Buddha's hair relics and the collar bone Mhv. The Buddhists remember the event by holding an annual perahera. This much-venerated dagaba is also of consequence as the first edifice of this type to be constructed here, originating the ritual of dagaba worship in Sri Lanka. The poya that follows, Navam Poya February , celebrates the Buddha's appointment of the two arahants, Sariputta and Moggallana, as his two chief disciples. It also marks the Buddha's decision to attain Parinibbana in three months' time. The Medin Poya in March is hallowed by the Buddha's first visit to his parental home after his Enlightenment, during which he ordained the princes Rahula, Nanda, and many others as monks. The month that follows is called Bak pronounced like "buck" , which corresponds to April. In this month it is not the full-moon day but the new-moon day that invites attention as signalizing the Buddha's second visit to Sri Lanka, when he visited Nagadipa [13] on the day preceding the new-moon day amavaka: The above brief account of the twelve poya days demonstrates how the poya day has become intimately connected with the life of the Buddha and consequently with the principal events of early Buddhist history. The Sri Lankan Buddhists, quite accustomed as they are to commemorate such events with rituals and ceremonies in full measure, have maintained these traditions up to the present. Pirit or paritta is a collective term designating a set of protective chants or runes sanctioned by the Buddha for the use of both laymen and bhikkhus. Pirit -chanting is a very popular ceremony among the Buddhists of Sri Lanka. These may be real dangers to the safety of persons and property as well as superstitiously believed-in calamities. In addition to this curative and positive aspect, pirit is also chanted for the attainment of general success sampatti, siddhi. In the domestic and social life of the Sri Lankan Buddhist no important function can be considered complete without this ceremony. However, the ceremony may vary from the simple to the highly elaborate, depending on the occasion and the status of the sponsor. The essence of the pirit ceremony consists in the ritualistic chanting of certain Pali texts selected from the canonical scriptures. These extracts are found collected and arranged in a particular order in the Book of Parittas, or Pirit-Pota, [14] known in Pali as Catubhanavara. It contains 27 extracts, including such suttas as the Ratana, Mangala, Metta, Atanatiya, etc. The use of protective spells — variously known as paritta, rakkha, mantra, dharani, kavaca, etc. The Buddha himself is said to have adopted the practice on several occasions. The public recitation of the Ratana Sutta at Vesali is the best known instance. As the parittas generally embody statements of truth as taught in Buddhism their recitation is regarded as an "asseveration of truth" saccakiriya whereby evil can be averted. The Ratana Sutta is a good example of this kind of paritta. It draws its power by wishing the listeners safety after affirming the excellent qualities of the Three Gems of Buddhism — the Buddha, Dhamma, and the Sangha. The power of virtue sila contained in the Mangala Sutta and the power of loving kindness metta contained in the Metta Sutta are two other aspects that make pirit effective. The power of the sound waves resulting from the sonorous and rhythmic recitation and also from particular combinations of certain letters and syllables also play a part in exercising this beneficial influence. The vibrating sound waves produced by the sonorous and mellifluous chanting adds to the effect of the truths enunciated. The ceremonial recitation with various ritualistic observances discussed below and with the presence of the Triple Gem in the form of the relic casket representing the Buddha, the Pirit-Pota representing the Dhamma, and the reciting bhikkhus representing the Sangha, are additional factors that are regarded as increasing the efficacy of pirit chanting. Among the laity of Burma and of Sri Lanka the book of parittas is more widely known than any other Pali book. Any Buddhist, educated or not, knows what it is and holds it in honor and respect. Even in ancient times the blessings of the pirit ceremony were sought in times of national calamities just as in Vesali at the time of the Buddha. King Upatissa 4th century: The incorporation of the item called dorakada-asna, as shall be seen, shows that it is a ritual that has gradually been elaborated in course of time. The simplest form of the pirit ceremony is held when what is called the mahapirita great or major pirit — the Mangala, Ratana, and Metta Suttas and a few benedictory stanzas — is chanted by a few monks, usually three or four, three times with a break in between. The three times may consist of the morning and evening of one day and the morning of the following day, or the evening of one day and the following morning and evening. The monks are conducted to the particular household and the chanting takes place in any room of the house according to choice. The monks sit around a table on which a clean white cloth is spread and flowers and puffed rice are strewn. A pot of filtered water is also placed in the center of the table and one end of a ball of three-stranded thread is twisted around it. The thread then passes through the hands of the reciting monks and is next held by the person or the persons on whose behalf the chanting is being done. These would be seated on a mat on the ground in front of the reciting monks. The water in the pot, designated pirit -water pirit-pan , and the sacred thread pirit-nula , become sanctified through the chanting and are used thereafter as a protection against evil. The thread is used by tying a piece around the arm or the wrist, and the water by drinking it or sprinkling it, according to requirements. In the simplest form, the ceremony is called varu-pirita or vel-pirita varu or vel in Sinhala meaning half-day session as the ceremony is confined only to a portion of the day and only the mahapirita is chanted. But the full-fledged pirit ceremony is a much more elaborate ritual. This also has two main forms — one lasting for one whole night and the other for one week or even longer. The former is the more usual form as a domestic ceremony while the latter is held on special occasions, especially for public purposes. Whatever the form may be, when this kind of chanting is undertaken, a special pavilion called the pirit mandapaya is constructed for the purpose. If the ceremony is to be performed in a private home, this pavilion is put up in a central room of the house. Generally it would measure about twelve by twelve feet and is gaily decorated with tissue paper, tinsel, etc. Its roof is covered with a white canopy from which are hung small cuttings of arecanut flowers, betel twigs, tender twigs of the iron-wood na tree, etc. Two water pots on which opened coconut racemes are kept are placed on either side of the entrance. Two lighted coconut-oil lamps are also placed upon the coconut racemes. In the center of the pavilion is a table usually a round one on which a clean white cloth is spread. Upon it are strewn puffed rice vilanda , broken rice sun-sal , white mustard sudu-aba , jasmine buds saman kakulu , and panic grass itana. These five varieties, known as lada-pas-mal, are regarded as having a sanctifying and purifying power in combination and are hence used for ritualistic purposes at Buddhist ceremonies. In the center of the table is the filtered water pot around which the three-stranded sacred thread is twisted. This thread is drawn round the interior of the pavilion and when the chanting commences it is held by the chanting monks and given over to be held by the person or persons for whose benefit the ceremony is held. A palm-leaf copy of the Pirit-Pota, regarded as more sanctified than the printed one, occupies a significant place on the table, representing the Dhamma, the second member of the Buddhist Trinity. Consequently, while the printed copy is used for the legibility of its script, the palm-leaf copy is regarded as indispensable on the table. The other important item that is brought inside the pavilion is the casket containing the bone-relics of the Buddha dhatu-karanduwa , representing the Buddha. This is placed on a separate decorated table on a side within the pavilion. In the seating arrangement for the monks, two chairs, centrally placed near the table, are referred to as yuga-asana or "seats for the duel. A post called indra-khila or raja-gaha is planted securely and fastened between these twin chairs. This post, resembling a mace in more ways than one, is attractively decorated and serves as a symbol of authority and protection for the officiating monks. This is generally erected only when the ceremony lasts for a week sati pirita or longer. Even when the ceremony is held in a private home, the temple is inevitably connected with every stage of the ritual. The temple authorities are responsible for assigning the required number of monks. On the evening of the day on which the chanting takes place, a few members from the particular household go to the temple in order to conduct the monks. The monks would come in a procession in single file in order of seniority, attended by drumming. At the head of the procession is carried the relic casket, borne on the head of a layman, under an umbrella or a canopy. The beating of drums continues throughout. As the monks enter the home, a layman washes their feet while another wipes them. They walk to the pavilion on a carpet of white cloth pavada and take their seats around the table. The relic casket, Pirit-Pota, and the bhikkhus thus come together, representing the Triple Gem, the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha, respectively. Before the commencement of the ceremony proper, the usual time of which is around 9 p. This invitation is usually extended by the chief householder if it is in a private home. Otherwise some leading lay devotee would do it. One of the senior monks present would accept the invitation on behalf of the entire Sangha and, in order to make the invitation formally valid, he would get the lay devotee to repeat after him the following Pali stanza requesting the monks to begin the ceremony:. Next he would explain the significance of the occasion in a short address. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magulbera vadana , as a ritualistic preamble to the ceremony, serving both as an invitation to the gods and an offering of sound sadda-puja. The monks too commence the chanting by reciting a stanza that invites all the divine beings of the universe to the ceremony:. From the commencement of the chanting until its conclusion the following morning, the pavilion is not vacated. The mahapirita explained earlier , with which the chanting begins, is chanted in a rhythmic manner by all the monks, numbering about ten or twelve, seated in order of seniority. The rest of the discourses are chanted by two or four monks. The ceremony is concluded the following morning with the recital, once again, of the mahapirita at which ceremonial drumming takes place once more. This drumming is also performed at the recital of important discourses like the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta and the Atanatiya Sutta. Once the chanting is concluded, convenient lengths of the thread, sanctified by the chanting, are snapped off and tied around the wrists or the arms of those assembled. A little of the sanctified water is given to everyone for drinking. When the ceremony continues for several days e. When the set of suttas constituting pirit is completed, chanting is recommenced from the beginning and in this manner they are recited over and over again until the session is concluded. Both to begin and to end the session, the mahapirita is recited in chorus by all the monks on each day at sunrise and sunset. An important ceremony connected with the seven-day and longer pirit ceremony is known as dorakada-asna, which seems to have entered the pirit ceremony during the Kandyan period 18th century. This ritual involves several stages commencing from the morning of the last day of the pirit ceremony, i. The first stage is the preparation of the message to be taken to the neighbouring temple where the abodes of the gods devalayas are also found. For this purpose several palm leaves talipot , on which the message is to be written, are brought to the chanting pavilion in a ceremonial procession and handed over to a monk who has been previously selected to write the message. Next, this particular monk writes down the auspicious time for the messenger of the gods deva-dutaya to set out to the devalaya and reads it aloud, to be sanctioned by the assembled monks. Once this is done another monk, also previously selected, reads aloud a text written in a highly ornate stilted style, enumerating the temples and devalayas at which the deities are requested to be present at the pirit chanting that evening. This text is called the vihara-asna. Until these preliminaries are gone through, the other monks keep holding the sacred thread. After this, the monk who was appointed to write the message begins to write it while the other monks retire. The message contains the invitation — which is a command from the Sangha sanghanatti and hence not to be turned down — addressed to all the deities residing at the religious places enumerated in the vihara-asna to come and partake of the merits of the week's pirit chanting. The message is prepared in quadruplicate. These are then hung on a pole and handed over to a young boy, specially selected for the task and richly attired as befits a messenger of the gods. Mounted on a caparisoned elephant and escorted by men with swords, he carries the message in a procession to the devalaya. This procession is called the devaduta-perahera, "the procession of the gods' messenger," and has many features like dancers, drummers, mask-dancers, stilt-walkers, etc. At the devalaya, the bhikkhus and the deva-dutaya first go near a Buddha-statue and pay homage, after which they proceed to the building where the statues of the gods are and chant the Metta Sutta. The gods concerned are usually Vishnu and Kataragama Skanda. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magul bera as an invitation to the gods, and next a monk reads out the message aloud. The four messages are given to the lay officiating priest of the devalaya known as kapurala to be hung in the four cardinal directions inside the devalaya. These are meant for the Regents of the Four Quarters — Datarattha east , Viruda south , Virupakkha west , and Vessavana north — who are requested to come to the ceremony with their assemblies. The procession now returns. Until the monks arrive for the pirit chanting, the devadutaya is kept confined and guarded. Once the monks arrive and take their seats inside the pavilion, a dialogue takes place between the devadutaya and a monk, the purpose of which is to reveal to the assembled gathering that the task of the messenger, which was to invite the gods to partake of the merits, has been done and that all the gods have arrived. The devadutaya makes this statement standing and guarded by the swordsmen, at the entrance dorakada to the chanting pavilion within which the monks have taken their seats. It is this statement of the devadutaya which thus comes to be called the dorakada-asna, meaning "the message read at the threshold. After the dorakada-asna, another monk, standing within the pavilion, reads out a similar text called the anusasana-asna, wherein all the gods assembled are requested to rejoice in the merits of the entire ceremony. This monk holds in his hand a round-handled fan made of the talipot leaf, elaborately decorated, a symbol of authority and high ecclesiastical position. These three ritualistic texts mentioned in the foregoing account i. It is also worth noting, that this ceremony of dorakada-asna has, in addition to its religious and ritualistic significance, considerable dramatic and theatrical value as well, for the whole event, from the preliminaries of the morning to the grand finale of the anusasana in the evening, contains much impersonation, mime, and dialogue. In this connection we may note that as early as the time of Buddhaghosa 5th century A. The recital of the Jayamangala Gatha, a set of eight benedictory stanzas extolling the virtues of the Buddha, may also be cited as a popular custom partly related to the chanting of pirit. This is usually done on important occasions like a marriage ceremony, when setting out on an important journey, or when inaugurating any venture of significance. This custom is inevitably observed at what is called the Poruva ceremony when, after a couple to be married ascends a small decorated platform poruva , they are blessed for future prosperity. The recital is usually done by an elderly person who, for the occasion, assumes the position of an officiating priest. But the Sri Lankan Ministry of Health is certainly not complacent about the problem and its potential for future spread. October Low High bandwidth Real player. Broadcast-quality video on demand from The Newsmarket. Skip to main navigation Skip to content. Instead, Sirisena shut parliament for nearly three weeks to forestall any challenge against his appointment of former strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa as the new prime minister. Western nations have expressed concern and asked all sides to act with restraint and respect the constitution..

The Kandy Perahera is itself the latest expression of the annual festival in honor of the Tooth Relic that has been held with state patronage from the time the relic was brought to Sri Lanka from India in the 4th century A. Although periodically there have been intermittent breaks due to unsettled political conditions, the festival was never neglected intentionally. This had been so even during colonial times.

Respected as the palladium of Sinhala royalty, the Relic had been accommodated in different parts of the country, depending on the change of the capital city.

Ultimately it came to stay in Kandy, which was the last royal seat of the Sinhala people. Esala Poya assumes prominence for yet another ritual of the Sri Lankan Buddhists. This is the annual rains retreat of the monks, Vassa, which commences on the day following the Esala full moon discussed in Chap.

On the next poya day, Nikini Augustthose monks who failed to commence the normal Vassa on Sri lankan nude full figured day following Esala Poya, are allowed to enter the "late Vassa. The poya that follows Nikini is Binara Septemberwhich assumes solemnity as marking the inauguration of the Order of Bhikkhunis Sri lankan nude full figured with the ordination Sri lankan nude full figured Queen Mahapajapati and her retinue.

Next follows the Vap Poya Octoberwhich concludes the final month of the three-month rains retreat. During the following month kathina robes Sri lankan nude full figured offered to the monks who have duly completed the Vassa. The high esteem in which this ritual is held by the Sinhala Buddhists may be gauged from the fact that the month is popularly referred to as the "month of robes" see Chap.

Sri lankan nude full figured November full moon, called Il, signifies the terminal point for the kathina ritual. It is also the day for commemorating such events as the despatch of the first sixty disciples by the Sri lankan nude full figured on missionary work, the prospective Buddha Metteyya being declared a sure Buddha-to-be by Gotama Buddha, and the passing away of the arahant Sri lankan nude full figured, the Buddha's foremost disciple.

The Unduwap Poya that follows in December is see more great moment to Sri Lanka as commemorating two memorable events connected with the visit of Theri Sanghamitta, sister of arahant Mahinda, from India in the third century B.

The first of these events was the arrival at Anuradhapura of a sapling of the sacred Bodhi-tree at Buddhagaya, brought to Sri Lanka by Sanghamitta. The planting of this tree is the origin of the Bodhi-puja in the country see Chap. The other memorable event commemorated by this poya is the establishment of the Order of Nuns bhikkhuni-sasana in Sri Lanka by the Theri Sanghamitta when she ordained Queen Anula and link entourage of women at Anuradhapura.

Records indicate that the Bhikkhuni Sangha thus established flourished during the Anuradhapura period third century B. Historical records are silent as to the reasons for its extinction, Sri lankan nude full figured they do report how the Sinhala Bhikkhuni Sangha helped in the establishment of the Order of Nuns in China.

Sri lankan nude full figured

The Sinhala Buddhists commemorate this poya day with peraheras, observance of the Eight Precepts, and meetings. The day is designated Sanghamitta Day. Nowadays the dasasil matas ten-precept nuns take an active part in initiating these commemorative functions. Next follows the Durutu Poya January when the Sinhala Buddhists commemorate the first visit of the Buddha to the island. According to the Mahavamsa, nine months after his Enlightenment, the Buddha visited present Mahiyangana in the Badulla District, where stands the dagaba by that name enshrining the Buddha's hair relics and the collar bone Mhv.

The Sri lankan nude full figured remember the click by Sri lankan nude full figured an annual perahera.

This much-venerated dagaba is also of consequence as the first edifice of this type to source constructed here, originating the ritual of dagaba worship in Sri Lanka. The poya that follows, Navam Poya Februarycelebrates the Buddha's appointment of the two arahants, Sri lankan nude full figured and Moggallana, as his two chief disciples.

It also Sri lankan nude full figured the Buddha's decision to attain Parinibbana in three months' time. The Medin Poya in March is hallowed by the Buddha's first visit to his parental home after his Enlightenment, during which he ordained the princes Rahula, Nanda, and many others as monks. The month that follows is called Bak pronounced like "buck"which corresponds to April. In this month link is not the full-moon day but the new-moon day that invites attention as signalizing the Buddha's second visit to Sri Lanka, when he visited Nagadipa [13] on the day preceding the new-moon day amavaka: The above brief account of the twelve poya days demonstrates how the poya day has become intimately connected with Sri lankan nude full figured life of the Buddha and consequently with the principal events of early Buddhist history.

The Sri Lankan Buddhists, quite accustomed as they are to commemorate such events with rituals and ceremonies in full measure, have maintained these traditions up to the present. Pirit or paritta is a collective term designating a set of protective chants or runes sanctioned by the Buddha for the use of both laymen and bhikkhus. Pirit -chanting is a very popular ceremony among the Buddhists of Sri Lanka.

These may be real dangers to the safety of persons and property as well as superstitiously believed-in calamities. In addition to this curative and positive aspect, pirit is also chanted for the attainment of general success sampatti, siddhi.

In the domestic and social life of the Sri Lankan Buddhist no important function can be considered complete without this ceremony. However, the ceremony may vary from the simple to the highly elaborate, depending on the occasion and the status of the sponsor. The essence of the pirit ceremony consists in the ritualistic chanting of certain Pali texts selected from the canonical Sri lankan nude full figured.

These extracts are found collected and arranged in a particular order in the Book of Sri lankan nude full figured, or Pirit-Pota, [14] known in Pali as Catubhanavara. It contains 27 extracts, including such suttas as the Ratana, Mangala, Metta, Atanatiya, etc. The Sri lankan nude full figured of protective spells — variously known as paritta, rakkha, mantra, dharani, kavaca, etc.

Paklstani Sex Watch Video Hot Slots. Suicide data Age, gender and method specific suicide data were obtained, where available, for — from the Department of Police, Division of Statistics, Sri Lanka http: Table 1 Categories of suicide deaths coded during different periods. Open in a separate window. Hospital data Publicly available hospital admission and hospital death data for poisoning ICD10 codes: Population data Censuses have been carried out in , , and in Sri Lanka. Analysis Graphical presentations were used to investigate secular trends of suicide in relation to age, sex, method, period and birth cohort. Figure 1. Figure 2. Figure 3. Figure 4. Hospital admissions and case fatality Hospital admission data stratified by age and gender were only available from to Figure 5. Figure 6. Method substitution Restriction of one method of suicide may lead to rises in the use of other methods for suicide substitution. Birth-cohort and period effects Investigations into birth-cohort and period effects have mainly been conducted in non-Asian countries [ 30 — 40 ], with the exception of studies conducted in Japan [ 41 ] and South Korea [ 42 ]. Interpretation and implications Our data suggests that the introduction of bans on all WHO Class I pesticides have contributed to the reduction of overall suicide rates, age specific rates and poisoning-related case fatality. Conclusion The introduction of pesticide bans in Sri Lanka appears to have contributed to the dramatic reduction in suicide rates in young men and older women, albeit with evidence of limited method substitution. Electronic supplementary material Additional file 1: Footnotes Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. References 1. Age and sex specific suicide rates in Sri Lanka from — Sri Lanka J Psychiatry. Thalagala N. Suicide trends in Sri Lanka —; social, demographic and geographical variations. Gunnell D, Eddleston M. Suicide by intentional ingestion of pesticides: Int J Epidemiol. Use of paracetamol for suicide and non-fatal poisoning in the UK and France: J Epidemiol Community Health. Differences between organophosphorus insecticides in human self-poisoning: Ratnayeke L. Suicide and crisis intervention in rural communities in Sri Lanka. The impact of pesticide regulations on suicide in Sri Lanka. Health Policy Plan. Department of Census and Statistics. Sri Lanka Labour Force Survey. Planning MoFa. Akaike H. A new look at the statistical model identification. Bell A, Jones K. The impossibility of separating age, period and cohort effects. Soc Sci Med. Marecek J, Senadheera C. Contr Indian Sociol. Patterns of hospital transfer for self-poisoned patients in rural Sri Lanka: Bull World Health Organ. Influence of pesticide regulation on acute poisoning deaths in Sri Lanka. Suicide rates per , , by gender, India, — [ http: All merit-generating rituals are performed mainly with this end in view. Buddhism lacks any ceremony or ritual of initiation or admission like the upanayana in Hinduism or baptism in Christianity. The formula of refuge is as follows:. This avowal of confidence in the Triple Gem tiratana is repeated for a second time e. Next, the convert repeats in the following manner the Five Precepts which are meant to regulate his moral life:. I undertake the precept to abstain from taking things not given. I undertake the precept to abstain from sexual misconduct. I undertake the precept to abstain from false speech. I undertake the precept to abstain from taking distilled and fermented liquors that cause intoxication and heedlessness. By this method a hitherto non-Buddhist lay person becomes a lay disciple upasaka of the Buddha. It has to be noted here that what is meant by taking refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha is the placing of confidence in the attainments of the Buddha as a Teacher and in the efficacy of the Dhamma as a reliable means to liberation. The term "Sangha" here refers to the Ariya Sangha, comprising the four pairs of noble ones, i. In this ceremony of initiation there is no recognition of salvation through the grace of a god or saviour as in theistic religions. One goes for refuge as a way of expressing one's determination to follow the Buddha's path to liberation, but one must also realize that the task of walking the path is one's own responsibility. While this is the method of formal admission of a new entrant into Buddhism, there are also certain ritualistic practices observed when a child is born to Buddhist parents. The baby's first outing would be to a temple. When the baby is fit to be taken out of doors the parents would select an auspicious day or a full-moon day and take the child to the nearest temple. At the time of the daily religious ceremony puja of the temple, one can observe how mothers hand over their babies to an officiating layman kapuva inside the shrine room, who in turn keeps it for a few seconds on the floor near the Relic Chamber and hands it back to the mother. The mother accepts the child and gives a small fee to the kapuva for the service rendered. This practice too could be described as a ritual of initiation. For the adherent of Buddhism, the ritual of worship is essentially a respectful recognition of the greatness of the Buddha as a spiritual teacher. The ritual also implies an expression of gratitude to the Buddha for having discovered and revealed to humankind the path leading out of the mass of worldly suffering. Both these factors in combination make this ritual an expression of devotion as well. The most common daily ritual of the Buddhist is that of personal worship, which many devout Buddhists perform daily in their homes. On the communal level the ritual is observed on the poya days at a temple or a monastery. A distinction may be made between simple respectful salutation panama or panamana and the ritualistic worship vandana accompanied by offerings of increasing complexity including food, drink, and clothing. The former type is only an expression of respect and reverence as when a person clasps his hands in the gesture of worship in front of a religious symbol e. In the ritualistic form of worship the articles of offering mainly flowers are first respectfully placed on the altar in front of a statue of the Buddha or a dagaba or any other place of religious significance where such worship is performed. Next, the devotee clasps his hands in the gesture of worship anjali-kamma and solemnly recites various stanzas and formulas, thereby making the offerings formally valid. Every act of Buddhist worship begins with the well-known formula of homage to the Buddha, Namo tassa bhagavato arahato sammasambuddhassa "Let my obeisance be to the Blessed One, the Honorable One, the Fully Enlightened One" , which is repeated thrice. This is followed by the Refuge formula and the Five Precepts given earlier. The next step is paying homage to the Three Gems in three separate formulas, which recount nine virtues of the Buddha, six virtues of the Dhamma, and nine virtues of the Sangha. These formulas are extracted from the Pali Nikayas and have become the standard formulas with which the Three Gems are worshipped. The physical posture adopted by the devotees when performing these acts of worship may vary according to the solemnity of the occasion or the degree of the devotion of the worshipper. In the most respectful form of worship, e. The two postures of squatting ukkutika and kneeling with one or both knees are also popular. The cross-legged posture pallanka and the standing position are also sometimes adopted. Whatever be the posture taken, it should be accompanied with hands clasped together in adoration Sinh.: Of the many articles of offering used at present in this kind of worship in Sri Lanka, flowers have become the most important and popular. They constitute the minimum requirement at any form of Buddhist worship. One can observe how the devotees arrange the flowers in various patterns on the altar. The color vanna , smell gandha , and quality guna of the flowers are taken into account when selecting them for offering. Before being offered, the flowers are "bathed" with filtered water pan. Sometimes they are arranged in a tray vattiya and offered. A flower's blooming upon contact with light is regarded as symbolic of the attainment of Enlightenment, hence flowers become quite a fitting article for offering to the Buddha, the Enlightened One. As was mentioned earlier, an essential part of the ritual of offering flowers is the recital of the following Pali stanza, whereby the offering is made valid:. Pujemi Buddham kusumena 'nena punnena 'metena ca hotu mokkham Puppham milayati yatha idam me kayo tatha yati vinasabahavam. I worship the Buddha with these flowers: Even as these flowers do fade, so does my body come to destruction. It is of interest to note that this stanza incorporates the Buddhist idea of the impermanence anicca of all phenomena. Merit-acquisition is also regarded as contributing towards the attainment of Nibbanic freedom. Another popular offering of much importance is that of lighted lamps, usually of coconut oil dipa-puja or pahan-puja. As the Buddha is regarded as the dispeller of the darkness of ignorance, when lighted lamps are offered in his name this metaphorical contrast between the light of knowledge and the darkness of ignorance is taken as the theoretical basis for the ritual. This kind of symbolism being too deep for the vast majority of ordinary people, their motive for this ritual is usually the desire to acquire merit or to avert the evil influence of a bad planetary conjunction. However, it is the former idea that is implied in the traditional stanza used by the Buddhists of Sri Lanka for this offering:. The epithets tilokadipa "lamp unto the three worlds" and tamonuda "dispeller of darkness" as applied to the Buddha are significant in this context. The stanza itself seems to testify to the popularity of the offering of camphor ghanasara in early times. But nowadays, even when coconut oil has replaced camphor, the stanza has survived without change. The offering of lighted lamps had been a popular ritual even in ancient times. The Bodhi-tree and the dagaba also referred to as stupa, cetiya, or caitya are the two main objects or places where the ritual is usually performed. The offering of lamps is one of the main aspects of the worship of the Bodhi-tree bodhi-puja. As it was under a Bodhi-tree that the Buddha attained Enlightenment, it is quite natural that lamps be lit under that tree, not only in memory of the great event, but also as a ritual whereby the devotee could expect to obtain a ray of that light of wisdom attained by the Great Sage. Thus the entire ritual becomes a spiritual exercise, the merits of which are transferred to all other beings, gods, humans, and spirits bhuta. Dagabas constitute another place where this popular offering is made. Consequently, along with the flower-altar, the lamp-stand too has become a necessary adjunct of the dagabas. One can also see that the Bodhi-tree in most temples is surrounded by a platform built of brick or stone in which niches are made to hold lighted oil lamps. The niches are meant to shelter the lamps from wind and rain. In any Buddhist temple there are many other places where lamps can be lit in that way. Sometimes special lamp-stands are constructed for the purpose. Of special significance is the lamp called the dolosmahe-pahana twelve-month lamp , sometimes found in Buddhist temples and devalayas. It is called thus because it is expected to keep burning all-year round. Special light offerings are also made on auspicious occasions. On full-moon days when devotees flock to the temples, lamps are lit in large numbers, for it is the custom among the Sri Lankan Buddhists invariably to take flowers and coconut oil on their visits to the temple as two indispensable articles of worship. There are also occasions when devotees light and offer a particular large number of lamps for special purposes, such as redeeming a vow baraya or on special occasions like Vesak Day. Many Buddhists perform the ritual of light offering pahan-puja to counter evil planetary influences. In order to obtain maximum results from the ritual, the devotees make it a point to purify themselves completely before attending the ceremony by bathing and wearing fresh, clean clothes. Coconut oil used as an illuminant is specially prepared for the purpose and taken separately from the coconut oil used for household purposes. Wicks are prepared from a clean, white, fresh cloth. Sometimes the inhabitants of an entire village co-operate in holding a mass-scale lamp offering. For instance, they may offer 84, lighted lamps in memory of the 84, elements of the Dhamma dhammakkhandha comprising the Buddha's Teaching. This important Buddhist ritual was practiced even in ancient Sri Lanka. King Dutugemunu 2nd century B. King Vasabha 1st century A. Today, this ritual has become so popular and elaborate that the annual Vesak festival commemorating the birth, Enlightenment, and Parinibbana of the Buddha has become more or less a festival of lights. Vesak lanterns of various kinds and shapes are lit in Buddhist homes on this day. Pandals well illuminated with multi-colored electric bulbs, depicting various scenes from the Master's life and from the Jataka stories, also constitute a type of light offering to the Buddha. Yet another aspect of the ritual of light offering is the burning of camphor near the object of worship like dagabas, Buddha statues, etc. Camphor gives out a fragrant smell as it burns, and is also regarded as having a very pure flame, although its smoke has a strong blackening effect. Camphor-burners have been found in ancient temples, showing that this was an ancient practice. The offering of food and drink is still another aspect of the ritual of worship. When food is offered to the Buddha in a religious place it is usually done in front of a Buddha-image. If it is the morning meal that is offered, it would be something suitable for breakfast, usually milk-rice kiribat. If it is lunch, it would be the usual rice-and-curry meal and is invariably offered before noon. At the Dalada Maligawa in Kandy and the Sri Mahabodhi in Anuradhapura, these rituals are performed regularly and with meticulous care and also somewhat elaborately, accompanied by other subsidiary rituals like the beating of drums. It is an important part of this ritual that whatever food is offered in this manner should be separately prepared with special care and should not be tasted before the offering. The stanza that is popularly used for the offering of food runs as follows:. Receive it, O Noble One, out of compassion. As regards the offering of drinks and beverages, it is customary to offer these prepared from fruit-juices. Unlike the solid foods, these may be offered in the afternoon, in keeping with the meal habits of the Buddhist monks. Offering of incense generally consists of joss sticks, these being the most easily available. Otherwise this offering is made by putting certain kinds of sweet-smelling powders or incense into glowing charcoal so that it smokes well. A kind of resin, known locally as sambrani, is the variety generally used. The chew of betel dahat-vita is yet another item of offering. This is mostly for consumption after meals, and consists of betel leaves, arecanut, and certain other items like cloves, nutmeg, cardamons, etc. For every kind of offering there are separate stanzas like the one quoted earlier for food. These stanzas are composed in Pali, which is supposed to be the language in which the Buddha preached his doctrine. When visiting the temple the object of worship that ranks first is the dagaba enshrining the bone-relics of the Buddha. There are three categories of worshipful objects: The devotee is expected to worship these in due order, reciting the appropriate stanzas and making at least an offering of a few flowers. An important aspect of the worship of the dagaba and the Bodhi-tree is the custom of circumambulation padakkhina as a mark of respect. Usually three rounds are done, always keeping the object of worship to the right side and with the hands clasped together in adoration. As regards dagaba worship in Sri Lanka, the local Buddhists have a separate stanza for worshipping each of the sixteen sacred places hallowed by the Lord Buddha on his three visits to the island. There is also a popular stanza that covers in a general manner all the three categories of worshipful objects mentioned above:. The worship of the dagaba or stupa is an important merit-acquiring act of devotional Buddhism in Sri Lanka as also in other Buddhist lands. The first such dagaba to be constructed after the official introduction of Buddhism into the country by the arahant Mahinda was the Thuparama at Anuradhapura, which enshrines the collar-bone of the Buddha. Since then dagabas have become so popular among the local Buddhists that almost every village temple has a dagaba as an indispensable feature. A special ritual connected with the dagaba is the enshrining of relics, which is done with much ceremony at a specially selected astrologically auspicious moment called nakata Skt. A similar ritual is that of pinnacle-setting kot-palandavima , which is the concluding stage in the construction of a dagaba. It should be mentioned here that scriptural sanction for dagaba worship is found in the words of the Buddha himself in the Maha-parinibbana Sutta D. These are the Tathagata, a Paccekabuddha, a disciple of the Tathagata, and a universal monarch raja cakkavattin. The worship and offerings made to the Buddha's body after his passing away may also be cited as an instance in this connection. See also: Sri Lankan Civil War. Channel 4. Daily Mirror Sri Lanka. Channel 4 News , UK. UN News Centre. The Guardian , UK. Broadcast Now. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Headlines Today. Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation. The Sunday Leader. Amnesty International. Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand. Sunday Times Sri Lanka. International Crisis Group. Sunday Leader. Royal Television Society. Archived from the original on 28 February Channel 4 News. Retrieved 13 May Gill, 19 Jun ABC News. Australian Senate. Press Briefings. Ministry of External Affairs India. BBC News. Foreign and Commonwealth Office , UK. This was still more than Pradip, 20, knew. Although both sexes are encouraged equally to take part, so far very few girls have attended. Furthermore, when girls do drop out of school, they are often kept at home. But Deepika, 16, was here to learn for herself about the disease. Reuse this content. Most popular. Your email address will not be published. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam..

The Buddha himself is said to have adopted the practice on several occasions. The public recitation of the Ratana Sutta at Vesali is the Sri lankan nude full figured known instance.

As the parittas generally embody statements of truth as taught source Buddhism their recitation is regarded as an "asseveration of truth" saccakiriya whereby evil can be averted.

Rimpi Rain

The Ratana Sutta Sri lankan nude full figured a good example of this kind of paritta. It draws its power by wishing the listeners safety after affirming the excellent qualities of the Three Gems of Buddhism — the Buddha, Dhamma, and the Sangha.

The power of virtue sila contained in the Mangala Sutta and the power of loving kindness metta contained in the Metta Sutta are two other aspects that make Sri lankan nude full figured effective. The power of the sound waves resulting from the sonorous and rhythmic recitation and also from particular combinations of certain letters and syllables also play a part in exercising this beneficial influence.

The Sri lankan nude full figured sound waves produced by the sonorous and mellifluous chanting adds to the effect Sri lankan nude full figured the truths click. The ceremonial recitation with various ritualistic observances discussed below and with the presence of the Triple Gem in the form of the relic casket representing the Buddha, the Pirit-Pota representing the Dhamma, and the reciting bhikkhus representing the Sangha, are additional factors that are regarded as increasing the efficacy of pirit chanting.

Among the laity of Burma and of Sri Lanka the book of parittas is more widely known than any other Pali book. Any Buddhist, educated or not, knows what it is and holds it in honor and respect. Tags clipsage com desi ooo com desi porn ooo Desi Threesome desixnxx desixnxx ooo freshmms ooo desi jilhub. PW Sri Lankan Porn www desi ooo com www ooo desi com www.

General Xxx Watch Video Danwld Video. He is yet to make a formal statement or address the nation since being elevated to the new post. The former strongman is a controversial figure at home and abroad, and had presided over the crushing of the decades-long Tamil Tiger uprising. According to the documentary this clip has been analysed by experts who say it shows no sign of manipulation and appears to show genuine executions. In one clip a half naked prisoner is shown tied to a coconut tree with blood over his chest and neck. The documentary then showed photos of the same incident which show the prisoner alive, then threatened with a knife and then dead, draped in the Tamil Tiger flag. In another clip soldiers are shown clearing away dead naked bodies. In another clip soldiers are shown dragging and dumping dead naked bodies of women, many of which appear to have been abused, onto the back of a truck. In another clip soldiers are seen standing around dead bodies. One of the bodies is a naked woman. She looks like someone's clerk. Look how many pencils and pens she's got. I really want to cut her tits off But video clips taken by soldiers showed Ramesh alive in captivity. Sri Lanka's Killing Fields has also come under criticism for bias and technical inconsistencies in some of the footage featured. The volume of testimony it uses as evidence is not enormous and most of it is derived from leading questions. The slant is pronounced. Shyam Tekwani's views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent the official position of the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies which is part of the United States Department of Defense. Gill , reviewing the documentary in The Sunday Times , described the footage shown as "unattributed and uncorroborated" and wrote "Not a second of this has been shot by Channel 4; none of the eyewitness accounts comes from journalists". He criticised Jon Snow's narration as "intemperate and partisan", and stated that "it was all held together by assumptions". Yfantis, a professor of computer science at University of Nevada-Las Vegas specialising in computer graphics and image processing , stated that "based on mathematical analysis, blood in the 3GP videos is not real blood. The report also detailed the fact that the video file was named "produce. Australia — Australian Foreign Minister Kevin Rudd stated that "No-one watching this program could emerge from that undisturbed and we don't either". The Australian Senate passed motion number on 7 July which, amongst other things, noted that the documentary was "further shocking evidence supporting allegations of war crimes committed during the civil conflict in Sri Lanka" and called for "allegations of war crimes India — Asked to comment on the documentary, the official spokesman for the Indian Ministry of External Affairs stated on 15 July "Our focus is on the welfare and the well being of the Tamil speaking minorities of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka The sequence of events during the last days of the conflict is unclear. The Government of Sri Lanka would need to go into the matter in greater detail. The concerns that are being expressed in this regard need to be examined". My daughter followed suit, saying similar things and expressing shock and horror that our countrymen could indulge in such horrific acts. United Kingdom — British Foreign Office Minister Alistair Burt issued a statement on 15 June in which he expressed shock at horrific scenes in the documentary. They also are powerful evidence of the need for an independent investigation to hold those responsible accountable for the crimes In and , Endrin, toxaphene, chlordimeform, thallium and DDT were banned. These pesticide regulations had little effect on the overall and age-gender specific suicide rates. In 17—25 men and 26—35 women, some plateauing of suicide rates occurred prior to the introduction of the bans on WHO class I pesticides. Also prior to pesticide regulations there were reductions in the incidence of suicide in 17—25 women. In , when the plateauing and reductions started in these age groups, the ratification of the Control of Pesticides Act occurred, as did the establishment of both local and international knowledge and influence networks [ 9 ]. Whilst the Office of the Registrar of Pesticides was not established until and the WHO class I pesticide bans were not enforced until , the establishment of local and international networks is likely to have increased awareness of the problem of pesticide related suicides. This may have resulted in unofficial changes to the control, sale and storage of pesticides. Sri Lanka also experienced a long civil war which started in and ended in In women there may also be an alternative explanation to the plateauing and reductions. Migration of these young women to foreign countries would have resulted in the removal of some at-risk individuals from the suicide statistics reported by the police, but would have been included in the census population figures. Migration of young women to urban centres where pesticide availability is less may also explain the earlier decline in the suicide rate in this group. Migration also allows these women to gain autonomy and control over their finances, which may in turn reduce the risk of self-harm. Older men had the highest sex-specific rates of suicide in the post-regulation period. This pattern is in keeping with that seen in many western countries and may reflect increased levels of psychiatric morbidity and physical ill-health with age. It is also possible that as ageing is often associated with losses in income and occupation, especially in South Asian countries [ 45 ], older men experience a loss of status; this loss of status may then in turn increase their risk of suicide [ 46 ]. Pesticide regulations do not appear to have changed the pattern of suicide in women to more closely resemble western counterparts; a higher rate in young compared to older women prevails, whereas in the west older women have the higher rate. This may be viewed as contradicting the hypothesis that the high rate of suicide in young women is due to impulsive acts of self-harm being transformed into completed suicide due to the toxic pesticides employed. It would be expected therefore that the removal of these pesticides should see a reversal in the age profile to resemble a western profile. Young women, however, also have higher rates of suicide by other methods e. This environment gives rise to strained family relationships; in addition with economic and social changes, more young women are entering the work force, both locally and internationally. This group of women are threatening the conventional gender and generational hierarchy and this often leads to family arguments due to shifts in power [ 46 , 47 ]. Attempts to address these issues may help to reduce the elevated rate seen in this group. This is more parsimonious than a cohort effect, based on learning a style of coping due to being exposed to a high suicide rate at a sensitive age. The introduction of pesticide bans in Sri Lanka appears to have contributed to the dramatic reduction in suicide rates in young men and older women, albeit with evidence of limited method substitution. Unlike in many other countries, young women in Sri Lanka have the highest rates of suicide amongst women suggesting that method restriction alone may not be adequate in reducing the higher rates in this group. In particular we would like to thank Mr S. Bandulasena from the Department of Census and Statistics and Ms. Competing interests. DK carried out the analysis with advice from CM. DK wrote the first draft of the manuscript; DK, CM, and DG redrafted the manuscript incorporating feedback from co-authors and interpreted the data. All authors read and approved the final version. Duleeka W Knipe, Email: Chris Metcalfe, Email: Ravindra Fernando, Email: Melissa Pearson, Email: Flemming Konradsen, Email: Michael Eddleston, Email: David Gunnell, Email: BMC Public Health. Published online Aug Corresponding author. Received Feb 25; Accepted Aug 5. This article is published under license to BioMed Central Ltd. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC. Associated Data Supplementary Materials Additional file 1: Description of methods used to correct for sudden changes in census population figures. Supplementary figures show the sudden changes graphically by gender. PDF KB. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. In the seating arrangement for the monks, two chairs, centrally placed near the table, are referred to as yuga-asana or "seats for the duel. A post called indra-khila or raja-gaha is planted securely and fastened between these twin chairs. This post, resembling a mace in more ways than one, is attractively decorated and serves as a symbol of authority and protection for the officiating monks. This is generally erected only when the ceremony lasts for a week sati pirita or longer. Even when the ceremony is held in a private home, the temple is inevitably connected with every stage of the ritual. The temple authorities are responsible for assigning the required number of monks. On the evening of the day on which the chanting takes place, a few members from the particular household go to the temple in order to conduct the monks. The monks would come in a procession in single file in order of seniority, attended by drumming. At the head of the procession is carried the relic casket, borne on the head of a layman, under an umbrella or a canopy. The beating of drums continues throughout. As the monks enter the home, a layman washes their feet while another wipes them. They walk to the pavilion on a carpet of white cloth pavada and take their seats around the table. The relic casket, Pirit-Pota, and the bhikkhus thus come together, representing the Triple Gem, the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha, respectively. Before the commencement of the ceremony proper, the usual time of which is around 9 p. This invitation is usually extended by the chief householder if it is in a private home. Otherwise some leading lay devotee would do it. One of the senior monks present would accept the invitation on behalf of the entire Sangha and, in order to make the invitation formally valid, he would get the lay devotee to repeat after him the following Pali stanza requesting the monks to begin the ceremony:. Next he would explain the significance of the occasion in a short address. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magulbera vadana , as a ritualistic preamble to the ceremony, serving both as an invitation to the gods and an offering of sound sadda-puja. The monks too commence the chanting by reciting a stanza that invites all the divine beings of the universe to the ceremony:. From the commencement of the chanting until its conclusion the following morning, the pavilion is not vacated. The mahapirita explained earlier , with which the chanting begins, is chanted in a rhythmic manner by all the monks, numbering about ten or twelve, seated in order of seniority. The rest of the discourses are chanted by two or four monks. The ceremony is concluded the following morning with the recital, once again, of the mahapirita at which ceremonial drumming takes place once more. This drumming is also performed at the recital of important discourses like the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta and the Atanatiya Sutta. Once the chanting is concluded, convenient lengths of the thread, sanctified by the chanting, are snapped off and tied around the wrists or the arms of those assembled. A little of the sanctified water is given to everyone for drinking. When the ceremony continues for several days e. When the set of suttas constituting pirit is completed, chanting is recommenced from the beginning and in this manner they are recited over and over again until the session is concluded. Both to begin and to end the session, the mahapirita is recited in chorus by all the monks on each day at sunrise and sunset. An important ceremony connected with the seven-day and longer pirit ceremony is known as dorakada-asna, which seems to have entered the pirit ceremony during the Kandyan period 18th century. This ritual involves several stages commencing from the morning of the last day of the pirit ceremony, i. The first stage is the preparation of the message to be taken to the neighbouring temple where the abodes of the gods devalayas are also found. For this purpose several palm leaves talipot , on which the message is to be written, are brought to the chanting pavilion in a ceremonial procession and handed over to a monk who has been previously selected to write the message. Next, this particular monk writes down the auspicious time for the messenger of the gods deva-dutaya to set out to the devalaya and reads it aloud, to be sanctioned by the assembled monks. Once this is done another monk, also previously selected, reads aloud a text written in a highly ornate stilted style, enumerating the temples and devalayas at which the deities are requested to be present at the pirit chanting that evening. This text is called the vihara-asna. Until these preliminaries are gone through, the other monks keep holding the sacred thread. After this, the monk who was appointed to write the message begins to write it while the other monks retire. The message contains the invitation — which is a command from the Sangha sanghanatti and hence not to be turned down — addressed to all the deities residing at the religious places enumerated in the vihara-asna to come and partake of the merits of the week's pirit chanting. The message is prepared in quadruplicate. These are then hung on a pole and handed over to a young boy, specially selected for the task and richly attired as befits a messenger of the gods. Mounted on a caparisoned elephant and escorted by men with swords, he carries the message in a procession to the devalaya. This procession is called the devaduta-perahera, "the procession of the gods' messenger," and has many features like dancers, drummers, mask-dancers, stilt-walkers, etc. At the devalaya, the bhikkhus and the deva-dutaya first go near a Buddha-statue and pay homage, after which they proceed to the building where the statues of the gods are and chant the Metta Sutta. The gods concerned are usually Vishnu and Kataragama Skanda. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magul bera as an invitation to the gods, and next a monk reads out the message aloud. The four messages are given to the lay officiating priest of the devalaya known as kapurala to be hung in the four cardinal directions inside the devalaya. These are meant for the Regents of the Four Quarters — Datarattha east , Viruda south , Virupakkha west , and Vessavana north — who are requested to come to the ceremony with their assemblies. The procession now returns. Until the monks arrive for the pirit chanting, the devadutaya is kept confined and guarded. Once the monks arrive and take their seats inside the pavilion, a dialogue takes place between the devadutaya and a monk, the purpose of which is to reveal to the assembled gathering that the task of the messenger, which was to invite the gods to partake of the merits, has been done and that all the gods have arrived. The devadutaya makes this statement standing and guarded by the swordsmen, at the entrance dorakada to the chanting pavilion within which the monks have taken their seats. It is this statement of the devadutaya which thus comes to be called the dorakada-asna, meaning "the message read at the threshold. After the dorakada-asna, another monk, standing within the pavilion, reads out a similar text called the anusasana-asna, wherein all the gods assembled are requested to rejoice in the merits of the entire ceremony. This monk holds in his hand a round-handled fan made of the talipot leaf, elaborately decorated, a symbol of authority and high ecclesiastical position. These three ritualistic texts mentioned in the foregoing account i. It is also worth noting, that this ceremony of dorakada-asna has, in addition to its religious and ritualistic significance, considerable dramatic and theatrical value as well, for the whole event, from the preliminaries of the morning to the grand finale of the anusasana in the evening, contains much impersonation, mime, and dialogue. In this connection we may note that as early as the time of Buddhaghosa 5th century A. The recital of the Jayamangala Gatha, a set of eight benedictory stanzas extolling the virtues of the Buddha, may also be cited as a popular custom partly related to the chanting of pirit. This is usually done on important occasions like a marriage ceremony, when setting out on an important journey, or when inaugurating any venture of significance. This custom is inevitably observed at what is called the Poruva ceremony when, after a couple to be married ascends a small decorated platform poruva , they are blessed for future prosperity. The recital is usually done by an elderly person who, for the occasion, assumes the position of an officiating priest. At public functions a bevy of young girls clad in white uniforms also do the recital. The contents of the stanzas recited clearly show that the ritual is intended to bring happiness and prosperity to the persons concerned or the successful completion of the project. Accordingly these verses have come to be called "the stanzas of success and prosperity," Jayamangala Gatha, and have become quite popular among all sections of the Buddhists. While the origin of these stanzas is shrouded in mystery, it can be stated with certainty that they were composed in Sri Lanka by a devoted Buddhist poet. The earliest available reference to them is during the Kandyan period when they are given in a list of subjects that a monk should study. This shows that they had become well established during the 16th and 17th centuries; hence they must have been composed at least a century earlier. These stanzas are regarded as efficacious because they relate eight occasions, each based on a beautiful story, when the Buddha triumphed over his powerful opponents. The chanting of what is called set-pirit by a few bhikkhus at the inauguration of new ventures or at receptions and farewells to important public personages has also become quite common. The chanting usually consists of a sutta like the Mangala, Ratana, or Metta Sutta, and a few benedictory stanzas. Set-pirit is broadcast by the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation every morning as the first item of its programme. The ceremony of pirit -chanting is very often accompanied by another important ceremony, that of almsgiving. It is generally known as sanghika-dana, meaning "the alms given to the community of monks. Even otherwise this ceremony too is usually performed on important occasions in the same way as the pirit ceremony, associated with such events as house-warming, setting out on a long journey, a marriage, birth, or death anniversaries, and so forth. At least four monks who have obtained higher ordination upasampada must participate for the dana to become valid as a full-fledged sanghika-dana. Such danas were held even during the Buddha's time, the Buddha himself participating in very many of them. Of the many items of offering that dana or the act of generosity could include, food is usually regarded as the most important and the formal meal offering accordingly is done with much ceremony and ritual. The monks are conducted from the temple in procession with drumming as in the case of pirit. A layman leads the procession, with the relic casket dhatu-karanduva , representing the Buddha, borne on his head under an umbrella or canopy. As they approach the particular household they are received by the host. As the monks step into the house, one person washes their feet, while another wipes them. This part of the ceremony is the same as in the case of the pirit ceremony. The monks are then conducted to the cushioned seats arranged on the floor against the wall. Alms are first offered to the Buddha in a separate bowl, and are placed on a separate table on which the relic casket, containing a bone-relic of the Buddha, has been set. All the items of food are served in plates and placed on mats or low tables before the seated monks. A senior monk administers the Three Refuges and the Five Precepts see pp. After he has given a short address on the significance of the occasion, the food is formally presented by getting the chief householder to repeat a Pali statement: Next, the food is served and once the monks have finished eating which should be before noon the other requisites parikkhara , referred to in the statement quoted, are also offered. The most important item among these offerings is what is traditionally known as "the eight monastic requisites" ata-pirikara: This offering is regarded as especially meritorious. As it is an expensive item and therefore difficult to offer to all the monks, generally one ata-pirikara is offered to the chief monk and other items such as books, towels, pillow-cases, umbrellas, etc. Once this is over, another monk administers what is called punnanumodana or "thanks-giving" wherein all those who were connected with the ceremony are requested to partake of the merits punna for their future good. The participants are also called upon to transfer the merits they have thus acquired for the well-being of their dead kinsmen and friends as well as for the sustenance of beings in the deva worlds, i. The relic casket and the monks are conducted back to the temple in the same manner as they were brought and the proceedings are concluded. A related ritual that cannot be ignored as regards the ceremony of almsgiving is the custom of getting the neighbours and friends also to serve into the alms-bowl that is offered to the Buddha. On the morning of the day on which the almsgiving takes place a separate bowl is kept on a table for this purpose. This is called the Buddha-pattare, or the Buddha's alms-bowl. Alms served into it are regarded as offered to the Buddha himself. The neighbours would come with plates of rice prepared in their homes and serve into it. This rice is also taken when the bowl of food is prepared for offering to the Buddha, near the relic casket at the time of the dana proper, the purpose here being to get the neighbours and outsiders also to participate in this merit-making ceremony. Among Buddhists death is regarded as an occasion of major religious significance, both for the deceased and for the survivors. For the deceased it marks the moment when the transition begins to a new mode of existence within the round of rebirths. When death occurs all the kammic forces that the dead person accumulated during the course of his or her lifetime become activated and set about determining the next rebirth. For the living, death is a powerful reminder of the Buddha's teaching on impermanence; it also provides an opportunity to assist the deceased person as he or she fares on to the new existence. Both aspects of death — the message of impermanence, and the opportunity to help the departed loved one — find expression in the Buddhist funeral rites of Sri Lanka. Naturally, the monastic Sangha plays a prominent role in the funeral proceedings. One of the most important parts of the funeral rites is the ritual called "offering of cloth on behalf of the dead" mataka-vastra-puja. This is done prior to the cremation or the burial of the body. Monks are assembled in the home of the dead person or in the cemetery. The proceedings begin with the administration of the Five Precepts to the assembled crowd by one of the monks. This is followed by the recitation in chorus of the well-known stanza:. Impermanent alas are formations, subject to rise and fall. Having arisen, they cease; their subsiding is bliss. Next follows this ritual, which consists of the offering of a length of new white cloth to the monks. The cloth, called a pamsukula — literally, a dust-heap cloth — is intended to be cut into pieces and then stitched into a robe. After offering it, the close relatives of the deceased sit together on a mat, assume a reverential posture, and together they pour water from a vessel into a cup placed within a plate until the cup overflows. While the water is being poured, the monks intone in unison the following stanzas extracted from the Tirokuddha Sutta of the Khuddakapatha:. Just as the water fallen on high ground flows to a lower level, Even so what is given from here accrues to the departed. Just as the full flowing rivers fill the ocean, Even so what is given from here accrues to the departed. Video October Low High bandwidth Real player Journalists: New enhanced search. In Sri Lanka the drop-out rate after primary education is high..

Our Sri lankan nude full figured suggests that the introduction of bans on all WHO Class I pesticides have contributed to the reduction of overall suicide rates, age specific rates and poisoning-related case fatality. Reductions to case fatality may also be a result learn more here better management of poisoning cases in hospitals [ 43 ].

These reasons, however, are unlikely to account for all the reduction in incidence. The time trends analysis suggests that there may be other important contributors. In Sri lankan nude full figuredEndrin, toxaphene, chlordimeform, thallium and DDT were banned. These pesticide regulations had little effect on the overall and age-gender specific suicide rates.

In 17—25 men and 26—35 women, Sri lankan nude full figured plateauing of suicide rates occurred prior to the introduction of the bans on WHO class I pesticides. Also prior to pesticide regulations there were reductions in the incidence of suicide in 17—25 women. Inwhen the plateauing and reductions started in these age groups, the ratification of the Control of Pesticides Act occurred, as did the establishment of both local and international knowledge and influence networks [ 9 ].

Whilst see more Office of the Registrar Sri lankan nude full figured Pesticides was not established until and the WHO class I pesticide bans were not enforced untilthe establishment of local and international networks is likely to have increased awareness of read article problem of pesticide related suicides. This may have resulted in unofficial changes to the control, sale and storage of pesticides.

Sri Lanka also experienced a long civil war which started in and ended in In women there may also be an alternative explanation to the plateauing and reductions.

Migration of these young women to foreign countries would have resulted in the removal of some at-risk individuals from the suicide statistics reported by the police, but would have been included in the census population figures.

Migration of young women to urban centres where pesticide availability is less may also explain the earlier decline in the suicide rate in this group. Migration also allows these women to gain autonomy and control over their finances, which may in turn reduce Sri lankan nude full figured risk of self-harm.

Older men had the highest sex-specific rates of suicide in the post-regulation period. This pattern is in keeping with that seen in many western countries and may reflect increased levels of psychiatric Sri lankan nude full figured and physical ill-health with age. It is also possible that as ageing is often associated with losses in income and occupation, especially in South Asian countries [ 45 ], older men experience a loss of status; this loss of status may then in turn increase their risk of suicide [ 46 ].

Pesticide regulations do not appear to have Sri lankan nude full figured the pattern of suicide in women to more closely resemble western counterparts; a higher rate in young compared to older women prevails, whereas in the west older women have the higher rate.

This may be viewed as contradicting the hypothesis that the high rate of suicide in young women is due to impulsive acts of self-harm being transformed into completed suicide due to the toxic pesticides employed. It would be expected therefore that the removal of these pesticides should see a reversal in the age profile to resemble a western profile. Young women, Sri lankan nude full figured, also have higher rates of suicide by other methods e.

This environment gives rise to strained family relationships; in addition with economic and social changes, more young women are entering the work force, both locally and internationally.

This group of women are threatening the conventional gender and generational hierarchy and this often leads to family arguments due to shifts in power [ 4647 ]. Attempts to address these issues may help to reduce the elevated rate seen Sri lankan nude full figured this group.

This is more parsimonious than a cohort effect, based on learning a style of coping due to being exposed to a high suicide rate Sri lankan nude full figured a sensitive age. The introduction of pesticide bans in Sri Lanka appears to have contributed to the dramatic reduction in suicide rates in young men and older women, albeit with evidence of Sri lankan nude full figured method substitution.

Unlike in many other countries, young women in Click here Lanka have the highest rates of Sri lankan nude full figured amongst women suggesting that method restriction alone may not be adequate in reducing the higher rates in this group. In particular we would like to thank Mr S. Bandulasena from the Department of Census and Statistics and Ms.

Competing interests. DK carried out the analysis with advice from CM. DK wrote the first draft of the manuscript; DK, CM, and DG redrafted the manuscript incorporating feedback from co-authors and interpreted the data. All authors read and approved the final version. Duleeka W Knipe, Email: Chris Metcalfe, Email: Ravindra Fernando, Email: Melissa Pearson, Email: Flemming Konradsen, Email: Michael Eddleston, Email: David Gunnell, Email: BMC Public Health.

Published online Aug Corresponding author. Received Feb 25; Accepted Aug 5.

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Here article is published under license to BioMed Sri lankan nude full figured Ltd. This article has been cited by other articles in PMC.

Skip to main navigation Skip to content. Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka: Where do you live? Officials said police will now seek a court order to evict Wickremesinghe, whose security and official cars were also withdrawn by the president, Maithripala Sirisena, on Saturday. Instead, Sirisena shut parliament for nearly three weeks to forestall any challenge against his appointment of former strongman Mahinda Rajapaksa as the new Sri lankan nude full figured minister.

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Call a pornstar. As we swap out old for new, pages will be in transition. Thanks for your patience — please keep coming back to see the improvements. Humanitarian situation reports. COLOMBO, Sri Lanka, 3 November - The teenagers, mostly boys, sat in a circle on the floor, taking turns see more the names of parts of the body on the anatomical drawing of the female figure before them.

As each new word was added, there were giggles from some and teasing from others. Harischandra Yakandawala. So some of these children Sri lankan nude full figured their education from the school, and specifically this type of education. This particular session was being held Sri lankan nude full figured the offices of a local NGO, the Community Strength Foundation, located in Peliyagoda — one of source poorest neighbourhoods Sri lankan nude full figured the capital, Colombo.

Young people in this area may be at higher risk from the disease. This was still more than Pradip, 20, knew.

Although both sexes are encouraged equally to take part, so far very few girls have attended.

Sinhala Anrkali Sex

Furthermore, when girls do drop out of school, they are often kept at home. But Deepika, 16, was here to learn for herself about the disease.

Kik hotties Watch Video congo nude. Rates fell with increasing age, except for a small rise in rates in 51—60 year olds relative to 36—50 year olds. In females, suicide risk in both —4 and —12 fell with increasing age, but the difference in rates between the youngest and oldest age groups was far greater in the s compared to the s. Age profile of suicide by gender in a —84 and b — Between —91 and —12, the incidence of hanging in men and women increased most markedly in the youngest age group 17— Additional file 2 shows age, gender and method-specific suicide rates in two time periods —84 and — In —12 poisoning suicides still closely mirror the overall suicide pattern for the same period; however, in men the pattern by age of hanging related suicides has changed to strongly resemble poisoning suicides. Hospital admission data stratified by age and gender were only available from to Age groupings were too broad to observe any meaningful patterns and therefore are not presented. Poisoning admissions have increased; male rates rose from per , in to per , in and in females rates rose from to per , Pesticide poisoning was the most common method in men until , when other poisoning admissions were the most common. Pesticide related case fatality dropped from 9. Case fatality for drugs and other poisoning remained fairly constant throughout the period 1. The cohort appears to have a different risk pattern to the other cohorts. In addition the cohorts born between , who experienced the ready availability of toxic pesticides during their young adulthood 17—30 years , appear to carry with them an elevated risk of suicide through life despite the introduction of pesticide regulations. When looking at birth-cohort effects by method not shown , it appears to be self-poisoning suicides that underlies the pattern observed for overall suicide. The suicide rates for the periods spanning — are higher than subsequent years in all age groups. With the exception of the oldest age group, suicide rates after were much lower than in previous years. By calculating AIC for each birth-cohort and period effect model in men and women, we found that in men the AIC was for a birth-cohort model vs. In women the difference was more pronounced, with an AIC score of for the birth-cohort model vs. Second, there have been marked changes in the age pattern of suicide in males; in the s the highest rate was in 21—25 year olds and rates declined with increasing age, whereas the opposite pattern was seen in the s with rates increasing with age. Third, the reductions in rates appear to be driven by a decline in self-poisoning suicides. There has been a rise in suicide by hanging, but this has been small in comparison with the fall in self-poisoning suicide. Fourth, there was a rise in drug related poisoning admissions, especially in women, and some evidence of reductions in case fatality associated with all poisoning admissions. Last, there was evidence of possible birth-cohort and period effects, though the analysis suggests a stronger period effect. We were able to identify groups with high suicide incidence and emerging patterns of method specific suicide. We are the first to report on age and gender trends of suicide in Sri Lanka having adjusted for the imperfect estimations of different age and gender population figures see Additional file 1. This adjustment explains why the trends reported in this study differ to those previously reported [ 1 , 3 ]. This evidence, however, should be considered in light of several limitations. One limitation is the incomplete coverage of suicide statistics from the Northern part of the country which was heavily affected by the civil war. Only 1. A common problem of suicide statistics originating from LAMIC are their reliability in capturing true incidence. Anecdotally, from our fieldwork studies, we are aware that data quality and completeness may vary between police departments, but we have no evidence that data quality has changed over time in such a way as to bias our estimates of temporal trends. The decriminalisation of suicide in in Sri Lanka coupled with changing attitudes towards suicide may result in more deaths being attributed to suicide post , so we may have underestimated the extent of the recent reductions in suicide. Equally, it is possible that the suicide rate in women, especially young women, is underestimated. This is likely to have affected the rate of suicide throughout the study period and is therefore unlikely to have influenced secular trends observed. In addition we were unable to investigate the emergence of method specific suicides by urban and rural areas separately. Data on hospital admissions for poisoning are collected from all peripheral community centres and tertiary teaching and special hospitals in Sri Lanka. This data is collected by the Ministry of Health using a standard returns form from all hospitals. Due to limited facilities in peripheral hospitals, poisoning patients are often transferred to tertiary hospitals With no linking of patient data for transfers, a degree of double counting of admissions occurs; which means we are likely to underestimate case fatality estimates, as some cases of self-poisoning as the denominator for our case fatality will be over-estimated as some individuals are included twice [ 16 ]. This will not have affected our findings in relation to case fatality trends, as no national changes have been made to hospital data reporting during the study period. Lastly, age- and sex-specific hospital admission data was only available for a relatively short time period, meaning we could not evaluate long term trends. Both China and India can be considered to be similar to Sri Lanka as they both have a large proportion of their population engaged in agriculture. Furthermore, these countries are more economically advanced and have fewer agricultural worker and therefore less easy access to, and familiarity with, pesticides than is the case in Sri Lanka. Differences in the predominant religions and political situation may further compromise cross-country comparison in Asia. As in Sri Lanka, the age and gender profile of suicide in China has changed [ 18 , 22 — 24 ] in recent years. In the early s in Sri Lanka, there were two peaks in the age-specific incidence of suicide in males, one in young people and the other in the elderly, similar to the pattern seen in China in the late 80s [ 24 ]. In more recent years, there is a linear increase in male rates in Sri Lanka and China with age - a pattern typical of that seen in many western countries [ 2 , 18 ]. The Ratana Sutta is a good example of this kind of paritta. It draws its power by wishing the listeners safety after affirming the excellent qualities of the Three Gems of Buddhism — the Buddha, Dhamma, and the Sangha. The power of virtue sila contained in the Mangala Sutta and the power of loving kindness metta contained in the Metta Sutta are two other aspects that make pirit effective. The power of the sound waves resulting from the sonorous and rhythmic recitation and also from particular combinations of certain letters and syllables also play a part in exercising this beneficial influence. The vibrating sound waves produced by the sonorous and mellifluous chanting adds to the effect of the truths enunciated. The ceremonial recitation with various ritualistic observances discussed below and with the presence of the Triple Gem in the form of the relic casket representing the Buddha, the Pirit-Pota representing the Dhamma, and the reciting bhikkhus representing the Sangha, are additional factors that are regarded as increasing the efficacy of pirit chanting. Among the laity of Burma and of Sri Lanka the book of parittas is more widely known than any other Pali book. Any Buddhist, educated or not, knows what it is and holds it in honor and respect. Even in ancient times the blessings of the pirit ceremony were sought in times of national calamities just as in Vesali at the time of the Buddha. King Upatissa 4th century: The incorporation of the item called dorakada-asna, as shall be seen, shows that it is a ritual that has gradually been elaborated in course of time. The simplest form of the pirit ceremony is held when what is called the mahapirita great or major pirit — the Mangala, Ratana, and Metta Suttas and a few benedictory stanzas — is chanted by a few monks, usually three or four, three times with a break in between. The three times may consist of the morning and evening of one day and the morning of the following day, or the evening of one day and the following morning and evening. The monks are conducted to the particular household and the chanting takes place in any room of the house according to choice. The monks sit around a table on which a clean white cloth is spread and flowers and puffed rice are strewn. A pot of filtered water is also placed in the center of the table and one end of a ball of three-stranded thread is twisted around it. The thread then passes through the hands of the reciting monks and is next held by the person or the persons on whose behalf the chanting is being done. These would be seated on a mat on the ground in front of the reciting monks. The water in the pot, designated pirit -water pirit-pan , and the sacred thread pirit-nula , become sanctified through the chanting and are used thereafter as a protection against evil. The thread is used by tying a piece around the arm or the wrist, and the water by drinking it or sprinkling it, according to requirements. In the simplest form, the ceremony is called varu-pirita or vel-pirita varu or vel in Sinhala meaning half-day session as the ceremony is confined only to a portion of the day and only the mahapirita is chanted. But the full-fledged pirit ceremony is a much more elaborate ritual. This also has two main forms — one lasting for one whole night and the other for one week or even longer. The former is the more usual form as a domestic ceremony while the latter is held on special occasions, especially for public purposes. Whatever the form may be, when this kind of chanting is undertaken, a special pavilion called the pirit mandapaya is constructed for the purpose. If the ceremony is to be performed in a private home, this pavilion is put up in a central room of the house. Generally it would measure about twelve by twelve feet and is gaily decorated with tissue paper, tinsel, etc. Its roof is covered with a white canopy from which are hung small cuttings of arecanut flowers, betel twigs, tender twigs of the iron-wood na tree, etc. Two water pots on which opened coconut racemes are kept are placed on either side of the entrance. Two lighted coconut-oil lamps are also placed upon the coconut racemes. In the center of the pavilion is a table usually a round one on which a clean white cloth is spread. Upon it are strewn puffed rice vilanda , broken rice sun-sal , white mustard sudu-aba , jasmine buds saman kakulu , and panic grass itana. These five varieties, known as lada-pas-mal, are regarded as having a sanctifying and purifying power in combination and are hence used for ritualistic purposes at Buddhist ceremonies. In the center of the table is the filtered water pot around which the three-stranded sacred thread is twisted. This thread is drawn round the interior of the pavilion and when the chanting commences it is held by the chanting monks and given over to be held by the person or persons for whose benefit the ceremony is held. A palm-leaf copy of the Pirit-Pota, regarded as more sanctified than the printed one, occupies a significant place on the table, representing the Dhamma, the second member of the Buddhist Trinity. Consequently, while the printed copy is used for the legibility of its script, the palm-leaf copy is regarded as indispensable on the table. The other important item that is brought inside the pavilion is the casket containing the bone-relics of the Buddha dhatu-karanduwa , representing the Buddha. This is placed on a separate decorated table on a side within the pavilion. In the seating arrangement for the monks, two chairs, centrally placed near the table, are referred to as yuga-asana or "seats for the duel. A post called indra-khila or raja-gaha is planted securely and fastened between these twin chairs. This post, resembling a mace in more ways than one, is attractively decorated and serves as a symbol of authority and protection for the officiating monks. This is generally erected only when the ceremony lasts for a week sati pirita or longer. Even when the ceremony is held in a private home, the temple is inevitably connected with every stage of the ritual. The temple authorities are responsible for assigning the required number of monks. On the evening of the day on which the chanting takes place, a few members from the particular household go to the temple in order to conduct the monks. The monks would come in a procession in single file in order of seniority, attended by drumming. At the head of the procession is carried the relic casket, borne on the head of a layman, under an umbrella or a canopy. The beating of drums continues throughout. As the monks enter the home, a layman washes their feet while another wipes them. They walk to the pavilion on a carpet of white cloth pavada and take their seats around the table. The relic casket, Pirit-Pota, and the bhikkhus thus come together, representing the Triple Gem, the Buddha, the Dhamma, and the Sangha, respectively. Before the commencement of the ceremony proper, the usual time of which is around 9 p. This invitation is usually extended by the chief householder if it is in a private home. Otherwise some leading lay devotee would do it. One of the senior monks present would accept the invitation on behalf of the entire Sangha and, in order to make the invitation formally valid, he would get the lay devotee to repeat after him the following Pali stanza requesting the monks to begin the ceremony:. Next he would explain the significance of the occasion in a short address. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magulbera vadana , as a ritualistic preamble to the ceremony, serving both as an invitation to the gods and an offering of sound sadda-puja. The monks too commence the chanting by reciting a stanza that invites all the divine beings of the universe to the ceremony:. From the commencement of the chanting until its conclusion the following morning, the pavilion is not vacated. The mahapirita explained earlier , with which the chanting begins, is chanted in a rhythmic manner by all the monks, numbering about ten or twelve, seated in order of seniority. The rest of the discourses are chanted by two or four monks. The ceremony is concluded the following morning with the recital, once again, of the mahapirita at which ceremonial drumming takes place once more. This drumming is also performed at the recital of important discourses like the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta and the Atanatiya Sutta. Once the chanting is concluded, convenient lengths of the thread, sanctified by the chanting, are snapped off and tied around the wrists or the arms of those assembled. A little of the sanctified water is given to everyone for drinking. When the ceremony continues for several days e. When the set of suttas constituting pirit is completed, chanting is recommenced from the beginning and in this manner they are recited over and over again until the session is concluded. Both to begin and to end the session, the mahapirita is recited in chorus by all the monks on each day at sunrise and sunset. An important ceremony connected with the seven-day and longer pirit ceremony is known as dorakada-asna, which seems to have entered the pirit ceremony during the Kandyan period 18th century. This ritual involves several stages commencing from the morning of the last day of the pirit ceremony, i. The first stage is the preparation of the message to be taken to the neighbouring temple where the abodes of the gods devalayas are also found. For this purpose several palm leaves talipot , on which the message is to be written, are brought to the chanting pavilion in a ceremonial procession and handed over to a monk who has been previously selected to write the message. Next, this particular monk writes down the auspicious time for the messenger of the gods deva-dutaya to set out to the devalaya and reads it aloud, to be sanctioned by the assembled monks. Once this is done another monk, also previously selected, reads aloud a text written in a highly ornate stilted style, enumerating the temples and devalayas at which the deities are requested to be present at the pirit chanting that evening. This text is called the vihara-asna. Until these preliminaries are gone through, the other monks keep holding the sacred thread. After this, the monk who was appointed to write the message begins to write it while the other monks retire. The message contains the invitation — which is a command from the Sangha sanghanatti and hence not to be turned down — addressed to all the deities residing at the religious places enumerated in the vihara-asna to come and partake of the merits of the week's pirit chanting. The message is prepared in quadruplicate. These are then hung on a pole and handed over to a young boy, specially selected for the task and richly attired as befits a messenger of the gods. Mounted on a caparisoned elephant and escorted by men with swords, he carries the message in a procession to the devalaya. This procession is called the devaduta-perahera, "the procession of the gods' messenger," and has many features like dancers, drummers, mask-dancers, stilt-walkers, etc. At the devalaya, the bhikkhus and the deva-dutaya first go near a Buddha-statue and pay homage, after which they proceed to the building where the statues of the gods are and chant the Metta Sutta. The gods concerned are usually Vishnu and Kataragama Skanda. This is followed by ceremonial drumming magul bera as an invitation to the gods, and next a monk reads out the message aloud. The four messages are given to the lay officiating priest of the devalaya known as kapurala to be hung in the four cardinal directions inside the devalaya. These are meant for the Regents of the Four Quarters — Datarattha east , Viruda south , Virupakkha west , and Vessavana north — who are requested to come to the ceremony with their assemblies. The procession now returns. Until the monks arrive for the pirit chanting, the devadutaya is kept confined and guarded. Once the monks arrive and take their seats inside the pavilion, a dialogue takes place between the devadutaya and a monk, the purpose of which is to reveal to the assembled gathering that the task of the messenger, which was to invite the gods to partake of the merits, has been done and that all the gods have arrived. The devadutaya makes this statement standing and guarded by the swordsmen, at the entrance dorakada to the chanting pavilion within which the monks have taken their seats. It is this statement of the devadutaya which thus comes to be called the dorakada-asna, meaning "the message read at the threshold. After the dorakada-asna, another monk, standing within the pavilion, reads out a similar text called the anusasana-asna, wherein all the gods assembled are requested to rejoice in the merits of the entire ceremony. This monk holds in his hand a round-handled fan made of the talipot leaf, elaborately decorated, a symbol of authority and high ecclesiastical position. These three ritualistic texts mentioned in the foregoing account i. It is also worth noting, that this ceremony of dorakada-asna has, in addition to its religious and ritualistic significance, considerable dramatic and theatrical value as well, for the whole event, from the preliminaries of the morning to the grand finale of the anusasana in the evening, contains much impersonation, mime, and dialogue. In this connection we may note that as early as the time of Buddhaghosa 5th century A. The recital of the Jayamangala Gatha, a set of eight benedictory stanzas extolling the virtues of the Buddha, may also be cited as a popular custom partly related to the chanting of pirit. This is usually done on important occasions like a marriage ceremony, when setting out on an important journey, or when inaugurating any venture of significance. This custom is inevitably observed at what is called the Poruva ceremony when, after a couple to be married ascends a small decorated platform poruva , they are blessed for future prosperity. The recital is usually done by an elderly person who, for the occasion, assumes the position of an officiating priest. At public functions a bevy of young girls clad in white uniforms also do the recital. The contents of the stanzas recited clearly show that the ritual is intended to bring happiness and prosperity to the persons concerned or the successful completion of the project. Accordingly these verses have come to be called "the stanzas of success and prosperity," Jayamangala Gatha, and have become quite popular among all sections of the Buddhists. While the origin of these stanzas is shrouded in mystery, it can be stated with certainty that they were composed in Sri Lanka by a devoted Buddhist poet. The earliest available reference to them is during the Kandyan period when they are given in a list of subjects that a monk should study. This shows that they had become well established during the 16th and 17th centuries; hence they must have been composed at least a century earlier. These stanzas are regarded as efficacious because they relate eight occasions, each based on a beautiful story, when the Buddha triumphed over his powerful opponents. The chanting of what is called set-pirit by a few bhikkhus at the inauguration of new ventures or at receptions and farewells to important public personages has also become quite common. The chanting usually consists of a sutta like the Mangala, Ratana, or Metta Sutta, and a few benedictory stanzas. Set-pirit is broadcast by the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation every morning as the first item of its programme. The ceremony of pirit -chanting is very often accompanied by another important ceremony, that of almsgiving. It is generally known as sanghika-dana, meaning "the alms given to the community of monks. Even otherwise this ceremony too is usually performed on important occasions in the same way as the pirit ceremony, associated with such events as house-warming, setting out on a long journey, a marriage, birth, or death anniversaries, and so forth. At least four monks who have obtained higher ordination upasampada must participate for the dana to become valid as a full-fledged sanghika-dana. Such danas were held even during the Buddha's time, the Buddha himself participating in very many of them. Of the many items of offering that dana or the act of generosity could include, food is usually regarded as the most important and the formal meal offering accordingly is done with much ceremony and ritual. The monks are conducted from the temple in procession with drumming as in the case of pirit. A layman leads the procession, with the relic casket dhatu-karanduva , representing the Buddha, borne on his head under an umbrella or canopy. As they approach the particular household they are received by the host. This site uses Akismet to reduce spam. Learn how your comment data is processed. October Low High bandwidth Real player. Broadcast-quality video on demand from The Newsmarket. Skip to main navigation Skip to content. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with I Witnessed Genocide: Main article: Alleged war crimes during the Sri Lankan Civil War. See also: Sri Lankan Civil War. Channel 4. Daily Mirror Sri Lanka. Channel 4 News , UK. UN News Centre. The Guardian , UK. Broadcast Now. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Headlines Today. Norwegian Broadcasting Corporation. The Sunday Leader. Amnesty International. Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand. Sunday Times Sri Lanka. International Crisis Group. Sunday Leader. Royal Television Society. Archived from the original on 28 February Channel 4 News. Retrieved 13 May Gill, 19 Jun ABC News. Australian Senate. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Sri Lanka..

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